|
The History of Georgia
By Charles C. Jones
Volume II - Revolutionary Epoch, 1888
Submitted by: Dena Whitesell
Updated by: Angela D. Bagley-Marianchuk 07/15/08
CHAPTER III
page 40-55
By royal proclamation, dated at St. James on the 7th day of October, 1768, his majesty King George III., from the
extensive and valuable acquisitions in America secured to his crown by the definitive treaty of peace concluded
at Paris on the 10th of February in the same year, annexed to the province of Georgia all lands lying between the
rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary. The separate governments of East and West Florida were also then organized. The
northern boundary of the two Floridas constituted the southern boundary of Georgia as far as the Mississippi River.
Thus did Georgia cease to be a frontier colony. Relieved from those anxieties so long entertained by reason of
her proximity to Spanish rule at St. Augustine and Pensacola, and no more exposed to the annoyances of French intrigue
and jealousies emanating from Mobile and the Alabama Fort, the province entered upon a career of security and assured
prosperity. Her southern and western boundaries, formerly threatened by enemies, were now but dividing lines separating
plantations with kindred interests and acknowledging a common allegiance. The change was pleasing and restful,
and the effect upon the colony most salutary.
The native population, however, remained, and it became necessary to acquaint the Indians with the change which
had occurred, and to perpetuate the amicable relations existing between them and the British Crown. To that end
the Earl of Egremont, the principal Secretary of State for the Southern Department, at the instance of the king,
addressed communications to the governors of the provinces of Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia,
directing them, in association with Captain Stuart, the superintendent of Indian affairs, to convene a congress
of the Creeks, Cherokees, Catawbas, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, at Augusta, or at such other central point as might
be deemed most convenient.
After some discussion, and upon the suggestion of Governor Wright, indorsed by Mr. Stuart, Augusta was selected
as the locality most suitable for the convocation. The congress was opened with due formality at the King's Fort,
in that town, on Saturday, the 5th of November, 1763. There were present on the part of the English, Governor James
Wright of Georgia, Governor Thomas Boone of South Carolina, Governor Arthur Dobbs of North Carolina, Lieutenant-Governor
Francis Fauquier of Virginia, and John Stuart, Esq., Superintendent of Indian Affairs in the Southern Department.
Seven hundred Indians were in attendance. James Colbert acted as interpreter for the Chickasaws and Choctaws. John
Butler, James Beamor, and John Watts interpreted for the Cherokees, and Stephen Forest and John Proctor for the
Creeks. Colonel Ayres, the Catawba chief, interpreted for his nation.
The Upper and Lower Chickasaws were represented by the following chiefs: Hopayamatahah, Poucherimatahah, Houpastn-bah,
Piamatah, Hopayamingo, Houratimatahah, Hopayamingo (Jockey's son), and twenty warriors. The chiefs Red-Shoes and
Chappahomah represented the Choctaws.
The Upper and Lower Creeks were present in the persons of their chiefs, Captain Aleck, Sympoyaffee, Bohotcher,
Sausechaw, Boysonecka, Hillibeesunaga, Firmicho, Poyhucher, Poyhuchee, and their followers.
Of the Cherokees fifteen chiefs appeared, representing the Settlements over the Hills, the Middle Settlements,
and the Lower Towns. The Over Hill chiefs were Attakullakulla, Ous-teneka, Prince of Chotih, Willanawah, Onatoi,
Skiagusta of Chotih, and Moitoi. Those from the Lower Towns were Tifto-wih of Keehowee, the Wolf, Houkonata, Man
Killer of Kee-howee, Good Warrior of Estatowih, Young Warrior of the same place, and the Warrior of Tuscoweh. Will,
the head man of Whatogah, led the delegation from the Middle Settlement. The Catawbas were represented by their
chief, Colonel Ayres, and some followers.
The conference occurring within the limits of Georgia was opened by Governor Wright. Observing that the day was
fair, and indulging the hope that all the talks would not prove otherwise, he invited the Indians to heed the utterances
of Mr. Stuart, as he had been selected by the governors present to give expression to their united sentiments.
Thus commended, Mr. Stuart, addressing the assembled Indians as friends and brothers, assured them that he opake
by command of the great King George, who, under God, the Master and Giver of breath, was the common father and
protector both of the English and of the red men: that no conference was ever intended to be more general or more
friendly; that, provoked at the repeated cruelties, insults, and falsehoods of the French and Spaniards, the King
of England had put forth his strength and defeated both his perfidious enemies; that in order to prevent a recurrence
of former disturbances, his majesty insisted upon the removal of the French and Spaniards beyond the Mississippi;
that, all cause of trouble being now at an end, he hoped the Indians and English would dwell together in peace
and brotherly friendship ; " that all past offences should be buried in oblivion and forgiveness;" that
the English were prepared to deal fairly, and to supply the Indian nations with everything they might require ;
and that the forts recently surrendered by the French would be used for the assistance and protection of the natives
and for the convenience of a trade which, it was believed, would prove mutually beneficial. " The White people,"
he said in conclusion, " value themselves on speaking truth: but to give still greater weight to what we say,
the great King has thought proper that his four Governors and the Superintendent from a great distance should utter
the same words at the same time; and, to remove every umbrage or jealousy, that you should all hear them in presence
of one another, and bear testimony for one another in case we should ever act contrary to our declarations."
The responses of the chiefs and various rejoinders occupied the attention of the congress until the 10th of November,
when the following treaty was formally ratified by all parties present:
" Article I. That a perfect and perpetual peace and sincere friendship shall be continued between his Majesty
King George the Third and all his subjects, and the several nations and tribes of Indians herein mentioned, that
is to say, the Chicasahs, Upper and Lower Creeks, Chactahs, Cherokees, and Catawbas: and each nation of Indians
hereby respectively engages to give the utmost attention to preserve and maintain peace and friendship between
their people and the King of Great Britain and his subjects, and shall not commit or permit any kind of hostilities,
injury, or damage whatever against them from henceforth, and for any cause, or under any pretence whatever. And
for laying the strongest and purest foundation for a perfect and perpetual peace and friendship, his most sacred
Majesty has been graciously pleased to pardon and forgive all past offences and injuries, and hereby declares there
shall be a general oblivion of all crimes, offences and injuries that may have been heretofore committed or done
by any of the said Indian parties.
"Article II. The subjects of the great King George and the aforesaid several nations of Indians shall, forever
hereafter, be looked upon as one people. And the several Governors and Superintendent engage that they will encourage
persons to furnish and supply the several nations and tribes of Indians aforesaid with all sorts of goods, usually
carried amongst them, in the manner which they now are, and which will be sufficient to answer all their wants.
In consideration whereof, the Indian parties on their part, severally engage in the most solemn manner that the
traders and others who may go amongst them shall be perfectly safe and secure in their several persons and effects,
and shall not on any account or pretence whatever be molested or disturbed whilst in any of the Indian towns or
nations, or on their journey to or from the nations.
" Article III. The English Governors and Superintendent engage for themselves and their successors, as far
as they can, that they will always give due attention to the interest of the Indians and will be ready on all occasions
to do them full and ample justice. And the several Indian Parties do expressly promise and engage for themselves
severally, and for their several nations and tribes pursuant to the full right and power which they have so to
do, that they will in all cases and upon all occasions do full and ample justice to the English: and will use their
utmost endeavours to prevent any of their people from giving any disturbance, or doing any damage to them in the
settlements or elsewhere as aforesaid, either by stealing their horses, killing their cattle, or otherwise, or
by doing them any personal hurt or injury ; and that if any damage be done as aforesaid, satisfaction shall be
made to the party injured : and that if any Indian or Indians whatever shall hereafter murder or kill a white man,
the offender or offenders shall, without any delay, excuse, or pretence whatever, be immediately put to death in
a public manner in the presence of at least two of the English who may be in the neighbourhood where the offence
is committed.
" And if any white man shall kill or murder an Indian, such white man shall be tried for the offence in the
same manner as if he had murdered a white man, and, if found guilty, shall be executed accordingly in the presence
of some of the relations of the Indian who may be murdered, if they choose to be present.
" Article IV. Whereas doubts and disputes have frequently happened on account of encroachments, or supposed
encroachments committed by the English inhabitants of Georgia on the lands or hunting grounds reserved and claimed
by the Creek Indians for their own use : Wherefore, to prevent any mistakes, doubts, or disputes for the future,
and in consideration of the great marks of clemency and friendship extended to us the said Creek Indians, we, the
Kings, Head-men, and Warriors of the Beveral nations and towns of both Upper and Lower Creeks, by virtue and in
pursuance of the full right and power which we now have and are possessed of, have consented and agreed that, for
the future, the boundary between the English settlements and our lands and hunting grounds shall be known and settled
by a line extending up Savannah river to Little river and back to the fork of Little river, and from the fork of
Little river to the ends of the south branch of Briar Creek, and down that branch to the lower Creek path, and
along the lower Creek path to the main stream of Ogeechie river, and down the main stream of that river just below
the path leading from Mount Pleasant, and from thence in a straight line cross to Sancta Sevilla on the Ala-tamaha
river, and from thence to the southward as far as Georgia extends, or may be extended, to remain to be regulated
agreeable to former treaties and his Majesty's royal instruction, a copy of which was lately sent to you.
" And we the Catawba Head-Men and Warriors, in confirmation of an agreement heretofore entered into with the
white people, declare that we will remain satisfied with the tract of land of fifteen miles square, a survey of
which by our consent, and at our request, has been already begun; and the respective Governors and Superintendent
on their parts promise and engage that the aforesaid survey shall be compleated, and that the Catawbas shall not,
in any respect, be molested by any of the King's subjects, within the said lines, but shall be indulged in the
usual manner of hunting elsewhere.
" And we do by these presents give, grant, and confirm onto his most sacred Majesty, King George the Third,
all sucb lands whatsoever as we the said Creek Indians have at any time heretofore been possessed of or claimed
as our hunting grounds, which lye between the sea, the river Savannah, and the lines herein before mentioned and
described, to hold the same unto the great King George and his successors forever. And we do fully and absolutely
agree that from henceforth the above lines and boundary shall be the mark of division of lands between the English
and the Creek Indians, notwithstanding any former agreement or boundary to the contrary; and that we will not disturb
the English in their settlements or otherwise within the lines aforesaid.
" In consideration whereof it is agreed on tbe part of his Majesty, King George, that none of his subjects
shall settle upon or disturb tbe Indians in the grounds or lands to the westward of the lines herein before described
: and that if any shall presume to do so, then, on complaint made by the Indians, the party shall be proceeded
against for the same, and punished according to the laws of the English,"
The following day liberal presents were distributed by Mr. Stuart to all the assembled Indians. The four governors
united in an explanatory letter to the Earl of Egremont advising him of the satisfactory manner in which the king's
commands, as signified in his lordship's communication of the 16th of March, had been obeyed, and suggesting tbe
establishment of commercial relations with the Indians upon a general, safe, and equitable footing.
In transmitting a copy of this treaty to the Board of Trade, Governor Wright, on the 23d of December, assures the
Lords Commissioners that this accession of territory from the Indians will encourage the incoming of many settlers
and promote the prosperity of Georgia. In this expectation he was not disappointed.
The extension of the territorial limits of Georgia rendered it proper that a new commission should be issued to
Governor Wright. Accordingly, the former letters-patent, constituting him Captain General and Governor in Chief
of the Colony of Georgia as then constituted, were revoked, and by a commission sealed at
Westminster on the 20th of January, 1764, he was invested with gubernatorial powers and authority commensurate
with the enlarged confines of the province.
No longer plagued by the French and Spaniards, at peace with the circumjacent Indian nations, its boundaries widened
and guarded on the south and west by two new English plantations, Georgia now occupied a position which it never
before enjoyed. With an increasing population and expanding commerce, and presided over by a chief magistrate eager
for the promotion of its best interests, the province day by day rose in importance and was fast realizing the
expectations which its illustrious founder had conceived for it.
Among the parties applying for lands in the newly acquired territory were Dennis Rolle, a member of Parliament;
William Reynolds, a London merchant and an elder brother of the Trinity house; George Buch, colonel of the Devonshire
militia; Captain John Buch, his brother; and Dr. Robert Willan, of London. From the Board of Trade they requested
a cession of lands " to extend from the Georgian line on the north to another line southward to be drawn parallel
with the equator from two miles below the forks of the river Apalachicola to the river Alatamaha, to be bounded
on the west by the first, and on the east by the last of these rivers."
On the south side of the Alatamaha they proposed to lay out and settle a town. The capital of the plantation was
to be located on the Appalachicola. The avowed objects of the petitioners were the cultivation of silk, indigo,
and cotton, the collection of ship-timber and naval stores, and the establishment of facile communication with
the Creeks and with the Gulf of Mexico. It was proposed to populate this region with European immigrants; and that
the good government of the projected settlement might be assured, the petitioners requested either the appointment
of a governor at the charge of the Crown during the infancy of the expensive undertaking, or that the applicants
should be invested with gubernatorial powers such as were accorded in the cases of Pennsylvania and Maryland. The
erection of such an imperium in imperio failing to commend itself to the approbation of the Board of Trade, the
applicants, nothing daunted, petitioned the Earl of Hillsborough and the other Lords Commissioners of Trade and
Plantations for a grant of Cumberland Island on the Georgia coast "for the purpose of raising cotton, silk,
oil, and wine, and such other commodities as may be hoped for in a warm climate." Distrusting the expediency
of such a cession, and perhaps not thoroughly persuaded of the ability of the petitioners to consummate their design
in a manner conducive to the best interests of the province, the Lords Commissioners denied this application also.
A few months afterwards another Utopian scheme was presented for the consideration of the Board of Trade. Alexander
Montgomerie, the tenth Earl of Eglintoun, and his associates submitted a proposition to the king in council whereby
they expressed a willingness to introduce at their own expense one hundred thousand colonists. During the first
five years ten thousand were to be sent over to Georgia, and eighteen thousand within every five years thereafter
until the whole number should have been transported and settled. In return for such labor and the necessary expenditure
of time and money, the Crown was memorialized to vest in the applicants and their associates the ownership of the
region to be thus peopled. General jurisdiction was to be retained by the king; and the proprietors, in making
grants, were to conform to such instructions as might be promulgated by the Secretary of State or the Lords Commissioners
of Trade and Plantations.
The petitioners begged that a member of the royal family should be placed at the head of the undertaking. They
confessed a willingness to observe in all respects the terms of his majesty's proclamation encouraging the settlement
of the newly acquired territory. They proposed to give ample security to pay into the royal exchequer, free from
all charges and deductions, one shilling per annum for every hundred acres of land granted. Such quit rents, however,
were not to be payable until fifteen years after the dates of the respective grants.
" And all these conditions," they added in conclusion, " we will be obliged to perform upon a penalty
of the resumption of the grants and the loss of whatever we may have laid out previous to the forfeiture, together
with any other security that may be adjudged necessary for the performance of this task, particularly against the
monopoly of the lands, by being subject to such directions respecting grants as your Majesty shall from time to
time signify to us by your Secretary of State and Lords of Trade and Plantations, whereby we shall be as much under
the control of your Majesty's Government as the present Governors and Councils of those provinces, or any other
part of the Continent of America, who are now vested with a power of granting lands under your Majesty's commissions
and instructions; and we are also ready to submit to any other measures for the true and reasonable interest of
the colony and mother country which can be contrived so as to make the one grow and flourish under the protection
and superintendency of the other."
The newly acquired territory having been already assigned to the provinces of Georgia and of East and West Florida,
his majesty refused to sanction this application of the Earl of Eglin-toun and his associates, which savored much
more of private emolument to those who submitted it than of general advantage to the royal possessions in America.
In order that the promises contained in the treaty entered into at Augusta with regard to fair dealing with the
Indian nations might be duly observed by the licensed traders, Governor Wright established stringent regulations,
among which the following may be mentioned:
Every trader was so to conduct himself that " no offense be given to the Christian Religion. All horses, hogs,
and cattle accompanying the trader were to be carefully guarded in order that no damage should be done by them
to the growing crops of the natives. It was expressly forbidden to compel an Indian by threats to perform any labor,
to carry any pack or burthen, or to buy or sell contrary to his will and inclination. The trader was not allowed
to receive any present, gift, fee, or reward from an Indian, or to credit any member of the community to a greater
extent than one pound of powder and four pounds of bullets. The savages were to be informed that they were relieved
from all obligation to pay debts previously contracted. No arms, ammunition, or goods were to be sold to Indians
acknowledging allegiance to the Crowns of France and Spain. Traffic in swan shot was prohibited. Any information
acquired touching the movements or designs of the French and Spaniards was to be promptly and faithfully communicated.
It was not permitted to a trader, without special permission from the governor, to bring an Indian within the limits
of the white settlements. Persona found trading with the natives without license were to be immediately reported.
Matters relating to the affairs and government of the province could not form subjects of conversation with the
natives, and the servants of traders were for-bidden to traffic with the Indians. No servant could remain in the
Indian territory; and if any person in the employment of the trader committed a capital offense, it was made the
duty of
the trader to take him before a magistrate for trial and punishment. Upon the renewal of his license each trader
was required to submit a statement of all skins and effects purchased from the Indians and of all goods sold or
left at his trading-post. It was also incumbent upon him to hand in a journal of all proceedings during his sojourn
in the Indian country. No free Indian, negro, or slave could, without special leave, be employed to assist the
trader in the prosecution of his calling, or in rowing his boats from any garrison into the red man's territory.
Rawhides conld not be accepted in exchange for goods. The sale of rum, spirituous liquors, and " rifled barrelled
guns" was absolutely prohibited.
With the exception of an occasional murder resulting from some personal quarrel, or committed under the influence
of strong drink, the intercourse between the colonists and the Indians was for many years amicable and satisfactory.
This happy state of affairs was largely due to the watchfulness, wisdom, and liberality of Governor Wright, who
held the traders to strict accountability and, by apt interviews with the influential chiefs of the Creeks and
the Cherokees, and by generous presents, inculcated and maintained friendly relations.
The province of Georgia now consisted of eight parishes which, in pursuance of writs of election issued by Governor
Wright in 1761, had the following representation:
Christ Church Parish: Savannah - Joseph Ottolenghe, Grey Elliott, Lewis Johnson, and Joseph Gibbons.
Acton: William Gibbons. Vernoriburg - Edmund Tannatt.
Sea Island: Henry Yonge. Little Ogeechee - James Read.
St. Matthew's Parish: Abercorn and Goshen - William Francis. Ebenezer - William Ewen, N. W. Jones, and James de
Veaux.
St. George's Parish: Halifax - Alexander Wylly and James Whitefield.
St. Paul's Parish: Augusta - Edward Barnard, John Graham, -- Williams, or L. McGillivray.
St. Philip's Parish: Great Ogeechee - Elisha Butler and John Maxwell.
St. John's Parish: Midway and Sunbury. Thomas Carter, Parmenus Way, and John Winn.
St. Andrew's Parish: Darien - Robert Baillie and John Holmes.
St. James' Parish: Frederica - Lachlan Mclntosh.
Happy Influence of Governor Wright
In 1765 four additional parishes were laid off between the Alatamaha and the St. Mary's rivers, vis;., St. David,
St. Patrick, St. Thomas, and St. Maby.
To testify his appreciation of the successful services of his soldiers in the recent war, and to encourage the
rapid settlement of the newly acquired territory, his majesty King George was pleaded to grant to each field officer
who had served in America five thousand acres of land, to every captain three thousand, to a subaltern officer
two'thousand, to every non-commissioned officer two hundred, and to each private soldier fifty acres. These grants
were to remain free of tax for ten years, but they were subject to the same conditions as to cultivation and occupancy
as were attached to other royal alienations within the same limits.
Alluding to the condition of Georgia at this epoch, Captain McCall thus writes: "No province on the continent
felt the happy effects of this public security sooner than Georgia which had long struggled under many difficulties
arising from the want of credit from friends and the frequent molestations of enemies. During the late war the
government had been given to a man who wanted neither wisdom to discern nor resolution to pursue the most effectual
means for its improvement. While he proved a father to the people and governed the province with equity and justice,
he discovered at the same time the excellence of its lowlands and river swamps, by the proper management and diligent
cultivation of which he acquired in a few years a plentiful fortune. His example and success gave vigor to industry
and promoted a spirit of emulation among the planters for improvement. The rich lands were sought for with that
zeal, and cleared with that ardor, which the prospect of riches naturally inspired. The British merchants observing
the Province safe and advancing to a hopeful and promising state were no longer backward in extending credit to
it, but supplied it with negroes and goods of British manufacture with equal freedom as other provinces on the
Continent. The planters no sooner got the strength of Africa to assist them than they labored with success, anc[
the lands every year yielded greater and greater increase. The trade of the Province kept pace with its progress
in cultivation. The rich swamps attracted the attention not only of strangers but even of the planters of Carolina
who had been accustomed to treat their poor neighbors with the utmost contempt; several of whom sold their estates
in that Colony and removed with their families and effects to Georgia. Many settlements were made by the Carolinians
about Sunbury and upon the Alatamaha. The price of produce at Savannah increased as the quality improved, — a circumstance
which contributed much to the prosperity of the coon-try. The planters situated on the opposite side of Savannah
River found in the capital of Georgia a convenient and excellent market for their staple commodities. In short,
from this period the rice, indigo, and naval stores arrived at the markets in Europe of equal excellence and perfection
and, in proportion to its strength, in equal quantities with those of its more powerful and opulent neighbors."
So rapid had been the development of the Midway District, and such importance had the town of Sunbury attained,
that in September, 1762, Governor Wright,1 with the assent of council, constituted it a port of entry, and appointed
Thomas Carr collector, John Martin naval officer, and Francis Lee searcher.
Much attention was bestowed upon the public roads of the province, upon the maintenance of ferries at important
points, and upon establishing easy communication, by direct lines, between the principal towns. To Captain DeBrahm
is great credit due for the intelligence and industry exhibited in the location and construction of these highways.
As late as December, 1764, the road from Charlestown to Savannah terminated at Purrys-burg, whence the conveyance
was down the river by boat. Soon afterwards, however, a new highway was opened which rested upon the Savannah River
less than two miles below the town of Savannah, and there a ferry was established which greatly facilitated travel
and the transmission of postal matter.
One of the earliest annoyances experienced by Governor Wright in the administration of the internal affairs of
the colony arose from the extraordinary conduct of William Grover. He was the chief justice of the province and,
by virtue of his office, was capable of exercising the largest powers and of exerting a most potent influence in
the maintenance of law and order, in the punishment of crime, and in shaping the moral tone of the community. Instead
of responding to the requirements of his important station, he ignored its responsibilities, disregarded its obligations,
prostituted its functions, and proved recreant to its trusts. So notorious became his official deportment that
it attracted general comment and elicited almost universal condemnation. An examination into his judicial course,
inaugurated and conducted at the instance of the common council, resulted in a unanimous verdict that his behavior
had been and was " partial, illegal, indecent, and not consistent with the character, duty, and dignity of
his office." It was resolved that he was unworthy of being continued in the position of chief justice of the
colony, and that the honor of the service demanded his suspension until the pleasure of the king could be ascertained.
Governor Wright did suspend him from office, anfl in a communication addressed to the Earl of Egreraont, dated
January 3, 1763, assigned the following reasons in justification of his action:
I. Although a member of council, Chief Justice Grover, without cause, absented himself from its called meetings,
and failed to discharge the duties devolving upon him as one of that important body.
II. Although a Crown servant and in the receipt of a salary of £500, so far from rendering any assistance
in the conduct of public affairs, he constantly manifested a disposition to oppose and thwart measures conducive
to the general good.
III. In a manner wholly unjustifiable, he sought to influence the deliberations and opinions of the General Assembly.
IV. His judicial powers were improperly exercised to the disturbance of military discipline and subordination.
V. He was arbitrary and oppressive in the enforcement of the legal process of his court, and careless of the rights
of personal liberty.
VI. In reporting to the governor the judgments and sentences of the court of sessions, he was utterly negligent.
VII. He refused to attend a special court of oyer and tenniner ordered for the trial of vagabond Spaniards who
had, near Darien, murdered McKay, his wife, and two negroes.
VIII. Toward the governor his behavior was uniformly insubordinate and contumacious.
IX. In the discharge of his official duties he was partial and not above suspicion.
After full investigation the Board of Trade deemed the charges preferred fully proven; and, by the king, was Mr.
Grover removed from office in March, 1763.
Upon his suspension the following libel was found inscribed on the wall of a building near the State House in Savannah:
—
" From Briton's gay Island where liberty reigns, Where Flora and Ceres enliven the plains, Where George still
with wisdom and glory defends The blessings which nature profusely extends,
Whence comes it dear W------that again thou explores
From Regions to happy American shores 1
Carolina her agent must surely bemoan
And each vot'ry of Hermesl reecho the groan.
Thy fortune expiring he no more can raise.
His sons shall no longer thy eloquence praise.
Is it ambition courts thee with soft soothing air,
Or power, or riches that make thee repair
To climates so sultry ?
It is not ambition alone does invite,
But power and riches both equal delight:
For what makes all doctrines most plainly appear,
It cannot be less— than a thousand a year.
When lordly I stalk a phantom of state,
Though mean my appearance, my heart is elate.
Plans of Castles I dread, make speeches to F. . . G. . . .
Who like------and------are my ready good tools.
A Council submissive attend on my nod,
Or, if fractious they prove, suspend them by God.
Hoc voleo my motto, sic voleo my rule.
Now damn you W— G——r, who says I 'm a fool"
Incensed at this scandalous publication, the General Assembly, on the 10th of December, 1762, framed and submitted
the following address to Governor Wright: — " May it please your Excellency.
" We, his Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Council and Commons House of Assembly of the Province
of Georgia in General Assembly met, beg leave to represent to your Excellency that whereas a certain false, scandalous,
and defamatory Libel, highly reflecting on your Excellency and the whole Legislative Body of this Province, was
lately found inscribed on the wall of an apartment near the State House :
" And whereas all means hitherto used have been found ineffectual to find out the author thereof, we therefore,
that nothing may be wanting on our part towards discovering and punishing the person or persons concerned in the
making and publishing the said libel, and to testify our detestation of the false, scandalous, and malicious insinuations
contained therein, and particularly to that part that so unjustly reflects on your Excellency whose upright, disinterested,
and impartial administration has on all occasions been deservedly approved of by us, and justly requires our utmost
efiEorts to support and maintain, do earnestly desire that your Excellency will be pleased to issue a proclamation
offering a reward of one hundred and five pounds sterling (for which we will provide) to any person or persons
who shall discover the author or authors of the said Libel so as he or they may be convicted thereof."
Sharing in the public indignation, and gratified at this action of the General Assembly, Governor Wright responded:
" Gentlemen, — Libelling is one of the most scandalous and infamous offences a man can be guilty of, and I
was hopeful that on the inquiry of both Houses sufficient matter would have appeared to you whereby you might have
been able to fix upon and punish the author or authors of that most malicious Libel against the whole Legislative
Body of this Province. Certain I am that every good man, that every honest man and well wisher to the Province,
will think it his duty to bring such fease delinquents to condign punishment: but, as your endeavors to discover
the person or persons concerned have proved ineffectual, (tho11 believe no man in his private opinion can doubt
who it was and from whence it came) and as both houses request, I will issue a proclamation and offer a reward
of £105 sterling to any person who shall discover the author or parties concerned. . . I thank both Houses
for the good opinion they entertain of me, and for the just resentment they have shewn against such vile attempts."
Although no positive proof was elicited to bring to punishment the author of this libel, it was the general belief
that it originated with the disgraced chief justice of the colony.
Harmless fell the libel, and its author sought to conceal himself within the dark shadows with which he had enveloped
himself when tracing those defamatory lines. The envenomed shaft pierced not the good armor of the just governor
who, secure in the affections and the esteem of his people, and intent upon the execution of the weighty trust
committed to his keeping, regarded the malicious snarl and its baseless insinuations as “But the fate of place,
and the rough brake That Virtue most go through."
BACK TO HISTORY
INDEX
©2007- 2008 Genealogy Trails
|
