Georgia Genealogy Trails

"Where your Journey Begins"

CHAPTER V
page 73-95

By Charles C. Jones
Volume II - Revolutionary Epoch, 1888
Submitted by: Dena Whitesell


" On Governor Ellis departure from hence on the 2nd of November, 1760, took upon me the government of this Province and, at that time, my Lord, from the returns of the Militia Officers and the best information I could get, the whole number of white people throughout the Province, men, women, and children, amounted only to 6000, and I had afterwards reason to think there were not so many: of which number there were about 60 men belonging to his Majesty's Independent Companies, and two Troops of Rangers consisting of 5 Officers and 70 Private men, and the Foot Militia amounted to 1025; and now my Lord, by a very careful inquiry from every part of the Province, the white people amount to 9900 or say 10,000 of which 1800 are effective militia. We have still the 2 Troops of Rangers, but thfe Independents are broke, and we have only 30 Royal Americans.

“When I came, the return made me of Negroes in the Province amounted to 3578, but which I soon found greatly exceeded the real number then in the Province, and now my Lord, we have at least 7800.

"In 1760 they exported, as appears by the Custom House Books, only 3400 lbs. of rice, and in 1765, though a short crop, 10,235 lbs. In the year 1761 we loaded only 42 sail of sea vessels, and the last year we loaded 153, and on an average of much greater burthen. Our crop of rice this year will be short for the quantity planted, owing to the excessive rains and inundations tli at we had in the spring and fore part of the year.

" The Royal Americans and Rangers here, my Lord, garrison and do duty at 7 different places, vizt, 20 of the Royal Americans at Fort Augusta about 150 miles by land up this River, also 30 of the Rangers in the town of Augusta, — the other 10 Royal j icans are at Frederica, about 80 miles South of this town; 25 Rangers at Fort Barrington, on the Alatamaha River, about 65 miles from hence; 15 at Fort Argyle, on Ogechee River, 20 miles from town; 19 art Fort George, near the entrance of this River, and the rest here at Savannah; so that your Lordship sees how they are scattered about, but I conceive it to be the most useful manner in which such an handful of men can be employed here.

“We have no manufactures of the least consequence, a trifling quantity of coarse home-spun cloth, woollen and cotton mixed, amongst the poorer sort of people for their own use, a few cotton and yarn stockings, shoes for our negroes, and some occasional black-smith's work. But all our supplies of silks, linens, wool-Ittus, shoes, stockings, nails, locks, hinges, and tools of every sort, &c, &c, &c, are all imported from and through Great Britain.

“We have no kind of illicit trade carried on here, and our whole strength and attention is employed in planting rice, indico, corn and pease, and a small quantity of wheat and rye, and in making pitch, tar, turpentine, shingles and staves, and sawing lumber and scantling, and boards of every kind, and in raising stocks of cattle, mules, horses, and hogs, and next year I hope some essays will be made towards planting and making hemp, and everything here, my Lord, is going on extremely well, and the people in general well disposed except some few Republican spirit who endeavour to inculcate independency and keep up jealousies and ill blood. . . .

“The spirit that prevailed here, and our transactions with respect to the Stamp Act, your Lordship may see by my letters to Mr. Secretary Conway. Amazing to think what a propensity to faction, sedition, and almost rebellion then appeared even in this infant Colony, although I must do them the justice to say they did not think of it till spirited on by our Northern Neighbours who never let them rest, or gave them time to cool”.

Even with the encouragement extended by the home government, silk culture in Georgia continued to prove unprofitable.

The Filature in Savannah, although still open, did not yield any income or justify the expenditures requisite for its maintenance. Joseph Ottolenghe, manager of that establishment, from year to year promised more satisfactory results, but annually those promises, from some cause or other, failed of fulfillment. The specimens of reeled silk sent to England were pronounced good, but the quantity was insignificant; and, at the end of each twelvemonth, the cocoons appeared subject to more numerous and disheartening mishaps. Loath were the authorities to abandon an industry from which so much profit had been anticipated, but it is due to history to affirm that the experiment with the silk-worm in Georgia had long proved a failure. Governor Wrightl explained the difficulties of the situation, demonstrated the fact that only a bounty could incite to further activity, proved that other products were more worthy the attention of the colonists, and, while advancing suggestions in aid of the industry, questioned the expediency of additional expenditures in its behalf. An experience of more than thirty years inculcated the lesson that expectations of emolument to be derived from silk culture in Georgia were vain. Then and thenceforward all efforts expended in the production of that article were spasmodic and devoid of remuneration.

In the following letter, addressed to the Earl of Hillsborough, and dated "Savannah, July 1st, 1768," Governor Wright explains fully the status of that industry:

" My Lord, I am now to answer that part of your Lordship's letter, No. 8, which relates to the encouragement given to the culture of raw silk, and I shall briefly state the footing it is upon at present. The plan of encouragement hitherto pursued, my Lord, has been for the Government to be the manufacturer and the merchant. The cocoons were for many years purchased at 3s. per pound. At length the price was reduced to 2s. 3d., and for two years past and this year they are purchased at 1s. 6s per lb., and the whole expense of baking, sorting, picking, reeling, &c. is paid by the Government, and the silk shipped home to be disposed of on account of the Government; and the accounts and vouchers duly transmitted to the Board of Trade, and your Lord-Bhip sees that the bounty or encouragement the persons have who raise the cocoons or pursue the object of making silk is the certainty of a market, and good and immediate payment at the rate of 1*. 6<Z. per lb. for all the cocoons they deliver in the public.

Filature: whereas the true and real value of a lb. of cocoons, as a commodity or article of Merchandize is at the most not more than one shilling even in countries where labour is cheap, and I understand they are often purchased there at 6d. to 9d., and here it is rather thought they cannot be worth above 9d. or 10d., so that their advantage is an advanced price or bounty of 8d. or 9d. per pound above the true or real value of the cocoons, and down at this price I am persuaded few or none but the very poorer sort of people will continue to go upon that article.

" Several substantial persons, who did mean to make it an object when the price was higher, have to my knowledge given it over. The reason my Lord is evident: for people who have their fortunes to raise or make, will always turn themselves in such way and to the raising or making of such commodities as they think will answer best, and it is very clear to me that those who have negroes may employ themselves and their negroes to better advantage by planting, &c. &c. &c. than by raising cocoons at 1s. 6d. per lb., although that is, as I have said, 7d., 8d., or 9d. more than they are intrinsically worth as a commodity purchased at market, and therefore people of property or that have negroes will not consider silk as an object worth their pursuit, and it is only the poorer sort of people who will continue to go upon it. There are certainly some discouraging objections, viz; the climate, or variable and uncertain weather in the spring, makes it precarious ; and the expence of living is an objection. Labour is very dear, and there is a nett difference between paying 18d. or 2s. per day for labouring people or 2d. or 3d. a day which, I believe, is the price of labour in several of the silk countries. And really my Lord, till these Provinces become more populous, and labour is cheaper, I apprehend silk will not be a commodity or article of any considerable amount. . . .

" The worms degenerate greatly my Lord, for it generally takes from 15 to 17, 18, or sometimes 19 lb. of cocoons to make a lb. of silk according to the strength and goodness of the cocoons, whereas when the seed is fresh, and the worms in full vigour, for a few years 11 or 12 lb. of picked cocoons may make a lb. of silk, and this your Lordship sees is a prodigious difference, and I really believe they might succeed better at a greater distance from the seacoast as the weather is generally more steady and the spring backward.

" That your Lordship may, at one view, the better judge of the progress, I now inclose an account for 13 years together, and having wrote frequently to the Lords of Trade on this subject, I would beg leave for further particulars and a more circumstantial account to refer to my letters to the Lords of Trade of the 23rd of April 1765, and 24th of June, and 21st of October 1766 ; and upon the whole shall only beg leave to observe that I cannot point out or recommend any new or other mode of encouragement than I have already mentioned : that it is the encouragement of bounty alone that keeps it alive at present: that as the country settles and becomes more populous and labour cheap, it may increase, but I conceive that without this bounty or price is continued, few or none will raise any, for it won't answer for private persons to give more than from l0d. to 12d. per 1b. for cocoons as a commodity.

" Some few indeed may raise the cocoons and reel off the silk themselves; and give me leave my Lord, further to observe, that it employs some hands at home; that the money never comes out of England, it all remains and is paid to the merchant there for goods sent out here: that it employs a great many poor people here. The cocoons last year were sent to the Filature by 160 different people, and this year by 137. It also employs near 40 hands, all poor people, for between 3 & 4 months to sort, pick, and reel it. That it is their chief support and they will really suffer greatly when they lose it; that articles of remittance are difficult in a young country, and it's of great use to the mercantile part of the Province that way. That last year the silk was valued at £600 sterling and might have sold for much more, and certificates were given for £1101 16*. $d.: so that if the silk was worth no more than £600, yet the difference or loss to the Government was but £501 16s. 8d.: which I conceive to be such a mere trifle that it can be no object with your Lordship as a saving to Government, especially when it is considered that there is the greatest probability that by a discontinuance of the encouragement the pursuit of that commodity will be totally given over, lost, and gone. I cannot deceive your Lordship in any particular, and therefore have not to add more on the subject, but to request that if it is your Lordship's opinion the grant should be discontinued, I may have the earliest notice of it that I may acquaint the people with it: for, my Lord, if it is not notified to them in time, say by January, they will go on in the usual manner, and if they deliver in their cocoons at the Filature they will certainly expect I should see them paid the usual price.

In - lbs of cocoons made lbs of silk
1755, 5,458 lbs 438 lbs.
1756, 3,667 lbs 268 lbs
1757, 4,994 lbs 358 lbs
1758, burnt 358 lbs
1759, 10,136 lbs 734 lbs
1760, 7,988 lbs 839 lbs
1761, 5,307 lbs 332 lbs
1762, 15,186 lbs 1,047 lbs
1768, 15,486 lbs 953 lbs
1764, 15,212 lbs 898 lbs
1765, 12,514 lbs 712 lbs 8ozs.
1766, 20,350 lbs 1,084 lbs 4ozs
1767, 10,768 lbs 671 lbs 9ozs

A killing frost on the 19th and 20th of April, 1769, and a reduction of the bounty previously offered by Parliament, materially diminished the production of silk in the province. The inhabitants of Ebenezer were the last to abandon this industry. In 1772 the operations at Savannah were wholly suspended, and two years after the Filature, which was in a ruinous condition, was repaired and used as an assembly room. Societies there held their meetings, and occasionally divine service was conducted within its walls. In consideration of his long and faithful labors, Ottolenghe, still styling himself " Superintendent of Silk Culture in Georgia," was complimented with a pension of £100.

The following was, at this time, the annual cost of maintaining the civil establishment of his majesty's province of Georgia:

The Salary of the Governor.......£1,000
" " Chief Justice......500
" “ Secretary of the Province....100
" " Clerk of the Assembly.....20
" “ Surveyor General......150
" " Receiver General of Quit Rents.......100
“ “ Attorney General......150
“ " Provost Marshal......100

Allowance for 2 Ministers of the Church of England and 2 Schoolmasters.....116
Salary of the Agent for the Affairs of the Colony ... 200
" " Pilot, with Expenses of the Boat, etc. ... 500

Allowance for the Encouragement of Silk Culture 100, total £3,036

The rules promulgated by Governor Wright soon after the Congress of Augusta, regulating the conduct, duties, and responsibilities of Indian traders, proved salutary both to the colonists and to the red nations. As long as these traders were known to, and were specially licensed by, the governors of colonies to traffic within prescribed territories; as long as they were held to strict personal accountability and were required to submit annual returns of their transactions; as long as they were prevented from extending credit to the Indians and were forbidden to deal in articles likely to cause dissensions, so long was quiet maintained and good order observed. When the king saw fit, however, to open wide the doors and to remove the wholesome restrictions placed upon general traffic with the natives, multitudes of irresponsible parties flocked in; the Indian territory was traversed by traders not well approved; the region was overstocked with goods ; credits were enlarged; the Indians fell deeper and deeper in debt to unscrupulous merchants; and thus it came to pass that the peaceful status of affairs was interrupted and the seeds of dissension were sown. In an earnest and most sensible way did the governor of Georgia enter his protest against the royal proclamation of the 7th of October, 1763, which was the prime cause of the troubles then brewing.

Fortunately no wide-spread disturbances occurred, although quarrels ensued from time to time; some involving trespass upon the lands reserved by the Indians; others, the theft of horses and cattle; and others still, blows, ambuscades, and murder. In 1767 depredations were committed by a party of Creek Indians, who had lately formed a settlement on the Oconee River, upon the plantations on Little River. Some horses were captured. Pursued by five of the inhabitants, the Indians fled until they regained their homes where, reinforced by their companions, they turned upon their assailants and compelled them to beat a hasty retreat. This was not the first time the Creeks had invaded this region and plundered its plantations. Responding to the emergency, Governor Wright, on the 24th of August, prepared a talk to the Creek nation in which he demanded the return of the stolen animals, insisted upon a recall of the marauding bands, and cautioned an observance of the boundary-line stipulations as agreed upon by the Augusta Congress. The town of Augusta now contained some eighty houses, a church, and two wooden forts,2 Plantations were multiplying to the north as far as Little River.

The same year, at Jerre Wilder's settlement, about twenty miles above the ferry on St. Mary's River, a party of thirteen Indians killed Baker and Cummins, and wounded Wilder. They then set fire to the premises of the latter and retreated into East, Florida. This deed of violence was committed by the Indians ; in retaliation for an injury inflicted upon them in the spring. A horse or two had been lost, and the whites, believing they had been stolen, assembled in force and proceeded into tbe Indian country. Coming upon a party of Indians having a horse in their possession, and being superior to them in numbers, the whites tied them up and flogged them most unmercifully. It was in revenge for this indignity that the Indians on the 18th of September, 1767, committed the murder on the St. Mary's River.

It is scarcely necessary to enumerate all occurrences of like character, as they were insignificant, did not provoke other than partial strife, and hardly appertain to the domain of general history. That Governor Wright earnestly strove to maintain the rights both of the colonists and of the Indians, that he omitted no opportunity to redress any wrongs perpetrated, and that he endeavored to hold European and savage to a becoming observance of existing treaties is amply attested by the records of the period. We still have copies of his talks to the Wolf-King, to the head men of Coweta, to Captain Alleck, to Emisteseegoe, to the head men of the Lower Creeks, to Attakullakulla, to the chiefs of the Cherokees, and to other noted Indians, and they are model documents of their sort. The replies of the Indians have also been preserved.

Governor Wright's conduct in regulating the intercourse between the colonists and the Indians cannot be too highly commended. He did not idly boast when he assured the Earl of Shelburne that he had " always taken the utmost care to observe every treaty and engagement with the Indians," and that he had " on all occasions done them full and ample justice."

A disagreement having arisen with regard to the boundary line between the English settlements in Georgia and the lands and hunting-grounds of the Creeks, his excellency and Captain Aileck (the latter representing the Creek confederacy) on the 10th of January, 1766, consented that the dividing line should " commence at the Ogeechee river where the lower trading path leading from Mount Pleasant on Savannah river to the Lower Creek Nation crosses the said river Ogeechee, and thence in a straight line cross the country to that part of the river Alata-roaha opposite to the entrance or mouth of a certain Creek on the south side of the said river Alatamaha commonly called Fen-hollow or Turkey Creek, and that the line should be thence continued from the mouth of the said Creek across the Country and in a southwest course to the St. Mary's river, so as to reach it as far up as the tide flows or swells."

Of the warlike strength of the Indian nations lying adjacent to and holding commerce with Georgia, the following estimate was submitted by Governor Wright to the Earl of Hillsborough on the 5th of October, 1768: —
Upper and Lower Creeks 3,400 gun men.
Chactaws 2,200
Chickesas 400
Cherokees 2,000
Catawbas 40
Total 8,040

In this number are not included those whose trade was more conveniently carried on with South Carolina and with East and West Florida.

When we remember the defenseless condition of the province and its unguarded frontier, and recall the fact that the Indian territory was frequented by traders, many of whom were supercilious, dishonest, and tyrannical, we are astonished that these primitive peoples exhibited such tolerance towards a race which was surely supplanting them in the occupancy of their native wilds.

As illustrating the general character of the interviews which Governor Wright was frequently called upon to have with the Indians, and as designating the boundary lines which separated the English possessions from the territory reserved by the Creeks, we incorporate the minutes of a convention held in the council chamber in Savannah on Saturday the 3d day of September, 1768. On the part of the English, his excellency James Wright, and members of council James Habersham, Noble Jones, James Mackay, Grey Elliott, and James Read, were present. Lachlan McGilUvray acted as interpreter. The Indians were led by Emisteseegoe, the most noted and influential head man of the Creek confederacy.

Informed that his excellency and his beloved men were prepared to hear all that he desired to say, Emisteseegoe responded that whatever men might propose it rested with Providence to perfect it; that originally all the lands belonged to the Indians, but that in process of time they became acquainted with the white people whom he was this day glad to see and to accost as brothers; that these lands having originally been the inheritance of the red men they were bound to regard them as such, although they were prepared, come what might, to pay due regard to the treaties they had entered into with the whites concerning them; that they looked upon the road between the Europeans and themselves as a white road, free from bushes, stains, and all other impediments; that he hoped it would always thus remain, and that in this confidence he had just passed over it; that should any impediment hereafter arise, he trusted it would prove nothing more serious than the breath of the wind could remove, and that the whiteness of the road itself would remained unspotted; that such was the hope of his fathers; that this was what the former treaties were intended to secure; that the white people, being skilled in maritime affairs, discovered many countries,— this among others, — of which the Indians had no knowledge; that they came here and builded a fire and the red men received them as brethren and sat with them at the fire they had kindled; that the Indians' mode of traveling differed from that adopted by the English ; that the length of the journey was never regarded by them when they wished to see their friends, hence they had come a long distance to meet the governor and his beloved men; that he wished to behold the white people on the coast, being persuaded that intercourse like the present would perpetuate the remembrance of existing treaties; that he had visited the governor at Pensacola and now waited upon the governor of Georgia; that as he looked upon the white people at Pensacola and in Savannah as one, he would always use his best endeavors to keep the road between them white, and to treat them all as brothers; that the superintendent had told him the great king over the water looked upon the red people as his children, therefore he had taken him by the hand and held him fast; that although they had no iron in their country, yet, as a vine twines itself around a young tree and attaches itself by many fibres so that it cannot be separated from it but grows up with it, so he intended to cling to his white friends; that the governor of Pensacola told him the English had borrowed of the Indians a piece of ground near the water which he wished to have enlarged; that although the gratification of this request was attended with difficulty, he succeeded in securing the sanction of the Creeks to the cession; that he hoped the boundary line there established would be observed by the present and the coming generations; that the governor of Pensacoia assured him if any of his people should inadvertently settle beyond the line he would immediately cause their removal; that in coming to Savannah he had not observed or heard of any settlements made by the whites beyond the boundary line separating the Indian nation from this province; . . • that the superintendent informed him he was instructed by the great king to preserve peace not only between the English and the Indians, but also, as far as possible, between the Indians themselves, and that he was sorry to see the Creeks and the Chactaws at war with each other; that the superintendent requested him to exert his influence to dispose his own people toward the reestablishment of peace, and that he would persuade the Chactaws to discontinue their acts of hostility; that acting upon the advice of the superintendent who, the Creeks were convinced, had their good at heart, he had inaugurated measures which he believed would eventuate in a settlement of all disputes ; that the superintendent had gone to Mobile to pacify the Chactaws; that he was informed by the superintendent be intended to spend some time in Mobile, and that he desired permission of the Creeks to drive some cattle through their territory to Mobile for the use both of the white people there and of the Indians in that vicinity; that the superintendent further told him some persons about Augusta might wish to drive some cattle through the Creek lands to the same place, but his desire was that they should not be permitted to do so until his cattle had gone before; that this request appeared to him very peculiar, and he begged to be informed why the superintendent preferred it; that he understood a gang of cattle belonging to Mr. Galphin had been recently driven through the Indian lands to West Florida, and he wished to learn whether this had been done with the sanction of the governor of that province, or whether Mr. Galphin had acted in the matter on his own motion; that he remembers at the grand Congress at Augusta, where the governors of Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Georgia, many of the head men of the Creek and other Indian nations, and some beloved white men met, a boundary line was established to prevent straggling white people from settling in the Indian country; that with the settlement of that boundary line his people were well pleased; that he has since heard a piece of ground had been occupied by the whites beyond that line, and if the report be true he desired to know who among the Indians had consented to the appropriation ; that he was apprehensive some error must have been committed in marking this line, as he could find no one who was present at the running of it or who could give him any definite account of it; that he was afraid the surveyors had lost themselves in the woods, that they had run a crooked line, and hence the squabbling about it; and finally, he understood St. Jago was accused of forming his settlement on the Georgia side of the line, and that he had been notified to remove. This he regarded as a great hardship, as St. Jago was one of the principal men in the Creek nation, and the Indians had acted with great liberality in ceding their lands to the whites. He asked definite information on this subject.

Governor Wright's response was couched in the following language: — " Friend and Brother Emisteseegoe.

" Your observation on the omnipotence of the Great Governor and Master of Breath is very just, for let men propose to themselves what they will, yet't is subject to the overruling power of Providence, and without the Almighty's permission cannot be perfected. It is also very true that this Country, these very lands that we are now upon, were inhabited by the Red people and did belong to them before the English discovered them and landed here. That this event of the White people coming here may also be considered as owing to the good Providence of God, for the Red people being unacquainted with and unskilled in arts and sciences, were under great difficulties in clothing themselves and had no ornaments for their women or themselves, or any arms to kill deer, or to go to war against their enemies, or to defend themselves with, but only bows and arrows. But since the White people came amongst them they have been well clothed and gratified with a number of ornaments for their bodies and otherwise, and also taught the use of guns, powder, and ball, and have been plentifully supplied with them, which has enabled them to kill greater quantities of deer and to go to war with more success, and therefore the White peoples' coming to this country has always been considered by the Red people as a fortunate event.

"That 'tis very true that when they became a little ao-quainted together they agreed to live as brothers upon one land and to sit at one fire: and treaties were accordingly made between them, and the land on the sea coast for a certain distance back was given by the Indians to the White people to live and plant upon. That the road between the White people and the Red was opened and agreed upon by them for the mutual advantage and convenience of both in order to carry on their trade and friendly intercourse, and that it always has been and still is the wish and desire, and for the benefit of both, that this road should continue and be kept perfectly clean, white, and unstained, and I hope, as you do, that it will always remain so, and that if, by accident, any little matter should happen that may carry an appearance of obstructing or staining that road, it will prove no more than wbat the blowing of the wind will remove : and that all our treaties, as well those made by our forefathers as ourselves, will be duly regarded and observed on both Bides.

It will be eight years next month since I came Governor of this Province, during which time I have constantly and to the utmost of my power observed all the treaties and agreements that were made before I came, and all treaties, agreements or promises that I have at any time made with any of the Red People since I came, and this I am very certain all your people that know me, or that are acquainted with our transactions, will say and allow.

" It's possible that some straggling vagrants or vagabonds may have broke through treaties and orders, or may hereafter do so, but such things, if done, have been, and if hereafter done, will be unknown to me: and it is next to impossible to come at or punish such wandering people who, the moment they commit such an injury or offence, fly away to another Province: but you may be assured that I and the beloved men now present, and all the good people of this Province are friends to the Red people. And I have received orders from the Great King to live in peace and friendship with you and to treat you as his children: and as such I now look upon you and receive you: and the length of the Journey you have taken to come and see me is a strong circumstance and sign of your friendly disposition and good will to the White people, and as such we all look upon it and will endeavour, if possible, to strengthen the link, vine, or chain of friendship that holds us together.
" I have heard of the friendly visit you paid to the Governor of West Florida and of the cession of lands you made to the great King in that part of the Country, and which gave me great satisfaction. As all the White people, live where they will, as you! justly observe, are one and the same people, they are all great King's children, and are in some measure interested in] the welfare of one another: and I doubt not but the Governor West Florida will duly observe the limits and boundary settled and agreed upon with you.

" I do not know that I have ever transacted any matters of real business with any Indians but such as were fully and properly authorized by the Head Men in general, well knowing that it would answer no good end or purpose: and that a few people unauthorized could have no right or pretence to negotiate or settle any matters of consequence between the White and Red people: and that consequently instead of proving of any benefit or advantage, it would be attended with difficulties and inconven-lencies.

" With respect to the Superintendent's conversation with you relative to your disputes or war with the Chickasaws and Chao-taws, it is a matter that he did not consult me upon : but whatever my Friends may look upon as for their advantage and happiness, will always give me pleasure. And with respect to the Superintendent's ordering Cattle to be drove to Pensacola, I know nothing of it, nor can I positively say what was his reason for desiring that no other Cattle might be allowed to be drove through your Country to Pensacola till his were first carried thither: unless, as he knew that there was a great scarcity of cattle there, he thought if private persons who might drive cattle there for mere lucre should get there first, they would impose upon the people, take advantage of their necessity, and make them pay an extravagant price for them. Whereas, if his cattle got there first, he and his friends would be supplied at a moderate price, and not be obliged to purchase at an extravagant rate from those who might carry cattle there in the way of trade.

" I know nothing of Mr. Galphin's driving any cattle through your country to West Florida: but presume the Governor of that Province might be in want of cattle and purchase them from Mr. Galphin in this Province, but to be delivered at Pensacola: or Mr. Galphin, who is a general trader, might send them there in the way of trade, and expecting to get a good price for them as they have not as yet got many stocks of cattle in that country.

" I very well remember the Congress at Augusta in November 1763, at which I presided, and had the pleasure of seeing you: and I cannot forget the several matters that were settled and agreed upon at that Congress, because the whole was then reduced to writing and signed by all the Governors and the Superintendent, and also by the Head Men of the Indians then present, and which I have now here in print: and by which it was agreed that, to prevent mistakes, doubts, and disputes for the future, the boundary between the English settlements and the lands and hunting grounds of the Indians should be known and aettled by a line extending up Savannah river to Little river and back to the fork of Little river, and from the fork of Little river to the end of the south branch of Briar Creek, and down that branch to the Lower Creek path, and along the Lower Creek path to the main stream of Ogechee river, and down the main stream of that river just below the path leading from Mount Pleasant, and from thence in a straight line cross to Sancta Sevilla on the Alatamaha river, and from thence to the Southward as far as Georgia extends or may be extended: to remain to be regulated agreeable to former treaties. And his Majesty having since settled the boundary between this Province and East Florida to be the river St. Mary, at a Congress held at Picolata in the Province of East Florida by Governor Grant and the Superintendent with a number of Indians on the 18th of November 1765, all the Head Men then present empowered Captain Alleck to settle a new lower line cross from Ogeechee to the Alatamaha, and from thence to St. Mary's. And accordingly Captain Alleck came here and, in January 1766, the line was settled and agreed as follows vizt: that for the future the boundary line between the English settlements in this Province and the hunting grounds of the Creek Indians should be known and settled by a line from that part of Great Ogeechee river where the Lower Trading path leading from Mount Pleasant on Savannah river to the Lower Creek Nation crosses the said river Ogeechee in a straight line cross the country to that part of the river Alatamaha opposite to Penholloway or Turkey Creek, and that a line shall be continued from the said Creek cross the country to the river St. Mary, on a south-west course, which it is supposed will extend as far up the said river as the tide flows or swells. And I sent up a copy of this Agreement by Captain Alleck that he might shew it to the Head Men, and I received an answer that it was right: and this I look upon, and shall strictly observe and regard as the boundary line between us. And I want no more lands of the Indians, but am very well satisfied with what we have, and I don't believe that there is a single settlement or hut above this line.

" It has frequently been reported by Indians that the White people had settled over the line, but on my sending to examine, I was always informed by the people I sent that it was not true. However, in order to prevent mistakes, and that every body both White and Red might know where the line is, where there is no river or natural landmark, I sent a talk about a year and a half ago desiring that the Red people would send down such persons as they thought proper to see the trees marked. And accordingly the beginning of June last the Coweta Lieutenant, Sele-chee, the Blue Salt, and some others were sent down to see it done. And Mr. Galphin and Mr. Barnard with a surveyor and some other white people weqb up Little river, and as I have since been informed, both by them and the above Indians who all came down to me, they did mark the line cross from Little river to Great Ogeechee to the satisfaction of both the White people and the Indians that were present, and it has also been marked from the Lower Trading Path aforesaid to Ogeechee cross to Coono-chee river where, some mistake happening, they stopped and proceeded no further but went home: upon which I sent up a talk and have received an answer that they will send down some of their principal Head Men the latter end of this month to see it finished: and I have since proposed to them by another talk that it should be entirely finished cross from Coonochee to the river S* Mary which is the boundary between this Province and East Florida: and have sent them a sketch of the line as I understand it is to be marked, that they may know everything clearly before they come down.

" And there being two very large Goose Ponds above the place where by the treaty the line should run, and as those ponds on account of the grass and water will be very useful to the White people for their Cattle, therefore I have proposed and submitted to the Indians whether, on account of the Cattle always getting water in the Goose Ponds they will agree to vary the line a little, as marked upon the paper sent them, and now shewn to you, so as just to take in those ponds. And the trifle of land that will be taken in by the proposed alteration is not fit to plant or worth one shilling but on account of the grass and water as I have mentioned, it being all low, good-for-nothing pine barren.

" And with respect to your apprehension of some error in the upper line cross from Little river to Ogechee, as you cannot find any body who can give you a tolerable account of it, and therefore suppose they had lost themselves in the woods or else they would have run a straight course, and not have traversed as you Bnppose they did, I will give you the fullest satisfaction and explanation about it that it is in my power to do, and shall acquaint you with the whole matter as far as I know. On my being informed that the Indians would be down by the beginning of June to see the line marked, I wrote to Mr. Galphin,' whom I knew the Indians were well acquainted with, and who was their friend, and also to Mr. Barnard of Augusta, whom many of yoa likewise know, and desired them, when the Indians should come, to meet them and see that they were well taken care of, and then to join them and Mr. Mackintosh, the Superintendent's deputy, and proceed to the fork of Little river and mark the line crosB from thence to Ogechee river agreeable to the treaty of Augusta, and gave them particular instructions to be careful not to have any difference or dispute with the Indians, and that if the line could not be run exactly agreeable to the words of the treaty, then to get it done as nearly to it as they could. And those gentlemen, after the business was over and finished, wrote me that the Indians had entertained a different notion or idea of the fork of Little river from what we did: for they supposed the fork to be at a place called Upton's Creek, but on the matter being talked over amongst them and explained, they were satisfied of the mistake, and that Upton's Creek was not the fork, and therefore proceeded further up the river, but at length stopt at a Creek called Williams's Creek, about six miles below the real fork, and insisted on the line beginning there and being marked cross from that place to Ogechee river which, to avoid disputes, they agreed to according to my directions. That they proceeded up that creek as the line for about six or seven miles till they came to an old hunting path, and then, at the feqpett of the Indians, they marked the line along that hunting path till they came to the main branch of Upton's Creek, and then followed Upton's Creek as the line till they oame near to the end of the south branch of Briar Creek, and then turned down that branch of Briar Creek till they came to the Lower Creek path, and then followed that path to the main stream of Ogeechee exactly agreeable to the treaty of Augusta. So that the whole appears to me to be agreeable to that treaty except our beginning to mark the Hue from Little river six or seven miles below or short of the leal fork of Little river: and which is rather against us than in favor of us, as I shall shew by the surveyor's draught of the lines. And I do not know of any Indian or Indians that have taken upon them to give up any lands to the White people other than agreeable to the treaty, nor would I accept of any but from the nation, and this you may clearly see by my applying to the nation to consent to take in that trifling piece of good-for-nothing pine-barren, the Goose Ponds. And you must now see that agreeable to the treaty it was impossible to run a straight line from the fork of Little river to Ogechee; for, by the express words of that treaty, it appears that there were to be several bends and turnings in it as thereby described: and you now see by the plot, and as the line is now marked, there are natural land marks of creeks and paths the whole way. And all of it from Upton's Creek to the Grreat Ogechee river is expressly agreeable to the treaty. But that part of the line from Little river to Upton's Creek could not be exactly agreeable to the treaty because the Indians insisted on beginning six or seven miles below and before they came to the real fork, and which is a circumstance rather in favor of the Indians than the White people as you see by the plot. But, however, I am perfectly satisfied with the line as it is marked. I want no more, and shall do everything in my power that it may be observed, agreeable to your own expression, as a great stone wall: and that not a tree shall be cut down above or beyond it.

" And with respect to what you mention about St. Jago's settlement, you are greatly mistaken in your idea of the geography of that part of this Province, for his settlement is almost in the middle of our settlements and a great many miles within or below the line from Ogechee as settled and agreed by the treaty of Augusta. And St. Jago knows very well that about two months ago, on his telling me that somebody claimed the land he is settled upon, I gave him a paper signifying that he had my leave to live there, and was to remain there undisturbed. However, I shall inquire whether that land is within any of the White people's grants, and if I find it to be so, I will take care that it shall be secured to St Jago."

His excellency having concluded, and Emisteseegoe being advised, through Mr. McGillivray, that if he desired to add anything to what he had already said the governor and council were prepared to lend a willing ear, that Indian chief replied: he was greatly disappointed in not meeting Mr. Stewart and Mr. Mackintosh here, as he had expected; that he had conferred on several occasions with the superintendent and his deputy; that the Creek nation always treated with great respect all talks which his excellency sent up, but in his judgment there was not like regard paid by the whites to the suggestions and complaints of the Indians; that there appeared to be something wanting on the part of the white people; that this was the great town of the province, and he was come hither to be resolved of several things concerning which he was in doubt; that notwithstanding the respect entertained by the Indians for the talks and letters of the governor and superintendent, the white people trading among them were the first to ridicule and disregard the regulations promulgated for their observance; that although it was ordered and settled, and the traders were instructed that no raw skins should be received from the Indians, that injunction was violated day by day, and this in the teeth of remonstrances made to the deputy superintendent; that although the importation of spirituous liquors within the limits of the Indian nation was limited to a specified number of kegs, the restriction was not adhered to, but the amount brought in was constantly increased; that there were too many traders among the Indians, and that they had introduced more goods than they could possibly purchase and pay for; that great mischief ensued, the Indians being often persuaded to sell their horses for strong drink, and to barter their skins for rum when they should have been exchanged for clothing; that Indians were frequently employed as factors by the traders, —a hurtful and improper measure because they were unacquainted with English laws and were not liable to their penalties; that complaint had beefa lodged with the superintendent who promised to redress their wrongs, but, instead of these mischiefs, abuses, and inconveniences being abated, the evils complained of remained as flagrant as ever; that in order to prevent discovery the Indians employed as factors by the traders were instructed to respond, when interrogated with regard to the goods in their possession, that they belonged to them and that they had purchased them for themselves; that at the Congress Sempiaffe complained of certain traders who went about in the woods clandestinely trafficking with the Indians for raw skins, and injuring the trade of the licensed dealers; he desired that the grievance should be suppressed, and stated, for his part, if he met with any of these lawless traders in future he would regard them as French and Spaniards, and treat them accordingly; that it was also mentioned at the Congress that the path from the Indian nation to the white towns should always be kept straight and open; that their fathers traveled from thence to Charlestown, although they sometimes left their bodies on the road; that at no time had there been such-ill will between the Indians and the white people as had arisen since the Virginians came into the province ; that they were continually robbing the Indians of their horses and injuring them in many ways; that he desired to be accepted by his excellency as a friend who had journeyed from afar to shake hands with him; and that, while among the Indians there was but little distinction in outward apparel, Governor Wright might rest assured that the Tiger Family, of which he was a member, was of royal descent.

The council having reassembled on the 6th, his excellency, in the presence of James Habersham, Noble Jones, Francis Harris, Jonathan Bryan, Grey Elliott, James Read, and John Graham, members of council, delivered the following concluding talk which he had intermediately prepared:

" I am sorry that Mr. Stewart and Mr. Mackintosh could not be here according to your desire, but not receiving your message till yesterday seven-night, and then from the time you mentioned you should be here I expected you every day, it was impossible to have Mr. Stewart here in time, especially as he is very infirm and lame with the gout, and cannot travel with expedition, sc that it would possibly have been three weeks before he would have received my message and have come here, even if he had been able or could have come at all which was very doubtful. And as to Mr. Mackintosh he also lives at a considerable distance, and it is a very difficult and bad way to his plantation: no roads are yet made in that part of the country, and the swamps are now full of water and almost impassable: and I thought there was the less occasion for his being present as he is not going any more into your country as Mr. Stewart's deputy, " I very well know that you have paid due regard to several talks that I have sent up to you, and doubt not but you will continue to do so, as I shall always regard yours : and am very sorry you should find anything is wanting on the part of the White people that go into your country to trade with you, and that those people should be the first who despise and disobey the necessary orders and good regulations that are attempted to be established amongst and between them and the Indians, but we have bad people amongst us as well as you have.

" I know very well that it is a part of my orders and instructions to the Indian traders, as well as the Superintendent's, that they shall not take any raw skins, and that they shall not carry any rum into the nation, except about fifteen gallons once in three months for building of houses and other necessary purposes, also that no Indians or half-breeds should be employed as factors or to trade for any of the traders: and I am perfectly well satisfied of the truth of all the grievances and inconveniences you mention and complain of. And you may be assured that I will, to the utmost of my power, prevent these abuses for the future, and punish those that are guilty of them. But although we have many laws and all the white people are subject and liable to be punished by them, yet I must explain to you the difficulty I shall be under in so doing: for it is one part of our law that no man can be punished until he is found guilty of the crime or offence, that he is accused of, by a jury of twelve men, and that jury most have proof that the man is guilty before they can find him bo : and this makes it very difficult for us to punish offenders, who live at so great a distance as your towns are from this, for want of proof. And many who could give evidence against others will not do it because they are guilty of the same crime themselves, and are afraid that those persons may inform against them. And another difficulty is that I cannot punish men who have not their license from me but from the Governor of Carolina, or either of the Floridas, and therefore I should be glad to have the names of the men who have misbehaved in the manner you mention that I may know whether they belong to this Province, or are licensed by me, or not, and also to be informed of the names of any of the traders who know or can prove those matters against any others. And you may depend upon it I will do everything in my power to punish them and prevent those abuses for the future, for I am as much against them as you can possibly be, but you see it is difficult for me to do that which I should be very glad to do.
"I well remember what Sempiaffe said at the Congress, which was much as you have mentioned, and he also said he would take away their goods from them, but he was told he must not take away the goods or horses of any that he found trading in the woods, but must complain of them to the Governor. And so I say now. And if I can get proof against any I will certainly punish them and take away their licenses if granted by me. And therefore I again desire to know if you can tell me the names of any that have so traded.

" It was also mentioned at the Congress that the path should continue to be kept open, straight, and white, from the Indian towns to the white people's: and I hope they will always remain so, that our friends, the Indians, may have no difficulty in coming to see us. I know perfectly well that the vagrant Virginians are a set of very bad people, and that they not only steal the Indians horses but the white people's, and do many other injuries to both, and as often as we can catch any of them and get proof against them for stealing horses or cattle we hang them, and two of them were hanged here last summer.

" The Great King's subjects are all at full liberty to go where they please and cannot be confined to any particular country: therefore we cannot prevent the Virginians from coming into this Province. That is not in my power to do, but you may depend upon it I will punish and hang them whenever I can get sufficient proof against them according to our law. And notwithstanding the difficulties I have mentioned, yet yon may depend upon it I will be very diligent and active in trying to redress the grievances complained of, and I hope I shall be able to do it: bat a thing of that kind cannot be done all at once, and will take time, so that yon must have a little patience. That as these things have been more particularly and immediately under the direction and charge of the Superintendent for some time past, I have not interfered in them: but now that the Superintendent has done with matters of trade, and they are left to the Governors, I will do everything that I possibly can to rectify the abuses &c complained of.

" And now having answered all your talk I must thank you for your readiness in delivering up the fugitive negroes that were in your towns, (agreeable to my talk,) and I must again request that whenever any more are discovered to be amongst you, whether they have run away or been carried up by any of your people, they may be immediately sent back. I shall be answerable for the reward agreed to be given in such cases."

The conference ended, Governor Wright, in token of friendship and as an evidence of the confidence he reposed in the loyalty and courage of Emisteseegoe, presented him with a commission under the seal of the province. Thus patiently did hia excellency hearken unto the complaints of the Indians, ascertain their grievances, sympathize in their annoyances, render them sensible of their rights, exert himself to redress their wrongs, and strive to keep the path "clean, white, and unstained," which led from the cabin of the colonist to the wigwam of the savage.

He was an admirable governor, faithful and intelligent in the discharge of his official duties, thrifty in his private affairs, observant of contracts, earnest in the advancement of the best interests of the province committed to his care, gentle and just in his intercourse with his Indian neighbors, wise in counsel, brave of heart, loyal to his king, and intolerant of those republican principles which were soon to dominate in the hearts of the American colonies even to the subversion of the allegiance which bound them to the parent realm.

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