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The History of Georgia
By Charles C. Jones
Volume II - Revolutionary Epoch, 1888
Submitted by: Dena Whitesell
Updated by: Angela D. Bagley-Marianchuk 07/16/08
CHAPTER
XIII
pages 252-272
In obedience to the proclamation and circular letter of President Bulloch, the various parishes of Georgia, within
the specified time, proceeded to the election of delegates to the constitutional convention which was ordered to
assemble in Savannah on the first Tuesday in October, 1776. These delegates were men of repute in the communities
from which they came. They had been carefully chosen, were pronounced friends of liberty, and were not insensible
to the weighty obligations resting upon them. At this crisis of the nation's fate so numerous were the subjects
claiming the attention of the convention, and so exhaustive were its deliberations, it was not until the 5th of
February, 1777, that satisfactory conclusions were reached, and that the constitution was promulgated which for
twelve years defined and supported the rights of Georgia as an independent State.
The preamble of this instrument1 reads as follows: " Whereas the conduct of the Legislature of Great Britain
for many years past has been so oppressive to the people of America that of late years they have plainly declared
and asserted a right to raise taxes upon the people of America and to make laws to bind them in all cases whatsoever
without their consent; which conduct least twelve months in Georgia and three months in the county which they were
severally selected to represent. They were to be of the Protestant religion, at least twenty-one years of age,
and possessed in their own right of two hundred and fifty acres of land, or of property to the value of two hundred
and fifty pounds.
To the freeholders of Glynn and Camden who, on account of their proximity to Florida, were in a state of constant
alarm, was accorded the privilege of electing one representative each from some other county until their affairs
were in a more settled condition.
The first Tuesday in January in each year, and the town of Savannah, or such other place as the House of Assembly
for the time being should direct, were named as the time and place for the annual convocation of the legislature.
On the first day of their meeting the representatives were directed to proceed to the choice of a governor, whose
title should be Honorable and to the election of an executive council to be selected from their own number. These
elections were to be ascertained by ballot. There were to be two members of this executive council from each county
entitled to send ten representatives. The executive council being thus selected, the remaining representatives
constituted the House of Assembly; and a majority of such members was declared competent for the transaction of
business. At least one member of the executive council from each county was required to be in constant attendance
at the residence of the governor. All members were entitled to be present if they so desired; and, in the performance
of this service, they could rotate with each other for a longer or shorter period as they might agree among themselves.
Each House of Assembly was to expire annually on the first Monday in December.
Parishes were abolished and counties erected in their stead. The ceded lands north of the Ogeechee were formed
into a county and named Wilkes. The parish of St. Paul constituted a second county, and was called Richmond. A
third county was erected out of the parish of St. George, and named Burke. The parish of St. Matthew and that part
of St. Philip lying above the Cannouchee River were consolidated into a fourth county called Effingham. Christ
Church Parish and that part of the parish of St. Philip lying below the Cannouchee River were united into a fifth
county, and named Chatham. By the union of the parishes of St. John, St. Andrew, and St. James was the county of
Liberty formed. The parishes of St. David and St. Patrick were made to constitute a seventh county which was named
Gtynn. The eighth county, called Camden, was composed of the parishes of St. Thomas and St. Mary.
On account of the paucity of their population the counties of Glynn and Camden were declared entitled to only one
representative each. The county of Liberty, being composed of three populous and wealthy parishes, was allowed
fourteen members in the House of Assembly. Each of the other counties was permitted to send ten representatives.
The port and town of Savannah were allowed four members to represent their trade. For the same reason two members
were accorded to the port and town of Sunbury. It will be perceived that in naming these counties the convention
was not unmindful of the debt of gratitude which Georgia, in common with her sister American colonies, owed to
distinguished statesmen and friends in England who had espoused the cause of justice, humanity, and liberty. As
a tribute to the early and conspicuous devotion of the citizens of St. John's Parish to the cause of freedom, the
consolidated parishes of St. John, St. Andrew, and St. James were called Liberty County.
In the case of counties subsequently to be laid out by order of the House of Assembly it was ordained that "
at their first institution each county shall have one member, provided the inhabitants of the said county shall
have ten electors; and if thirty, they shall have two; if forty, three; if sixty, four; if eighty, six; if one
hundred and upwards, ten ; at which time two executive Councillors shall be chosen from them as is directed for
the other counties."
With the House of Assembly rested the power to frame laws and regulations conducive to the good order and well-being
of the State, to repeal such as proved injurious to the people, to choose its own speaker, appoint its own officers,
settle its own rules of procedure, issue writs of election for supplying vacancies, and to authorize such adjournments
within the year as it might deem proper.
Except in cases of great necessity and danger, every law or ordinance was to be read three times and on three separate
days. After the second reading it was to be sent to the executive council for perusal and advice.
The following is the clause prescribing the qualification of voters: " All male white inhabitants of the age
of twenty-one years, and possessed in his own right of ten pounds value, and liable to pay tax in this State, or
being of any mechanic trade, and who shall have been resident six months in this State, shall have a right to vote
at all elections for representatives or any other officers herein agreed to be chosen by the people at large: and
every person having a right to vote at any election shall vote by ballot personally."
Freedom from arrest while going to, attending at, and departing from the election precincts was guaranteed. No
officer or soldier was permitted to appear at the polls in a military capacity. All elections were declared free
and open.
Voting more than once on any occasion was forbidden, and the voter was enjoined to cast his vote in the county
of his residence. No one holding any title of nobility was permitted either to vote for representatives or to hold
any post of honor, profit, or trust in Georgia until he had renounced such distinction in a manner to be pointed
out by the legislature.
Every person absenting himself from an election and neglecting to deposit his ballot, except for just cause, was
declared liable to pay a fine not exceeding five pounds.
The ballots cast for representatives were to be taken by two or more justices of the peace in each county, whose
duty it was to provide a convenient box for receiving them. Upon closing the polls the ballots were to be publicly
compared with the list of voters which had been kept, and the result of the election was to be immediately thereafter
declared. Certificates were then to be given to the persons elected, and like certificates were to be returned
to the House of Representatives.
Continental delegates were to be appointed annually by ballot. They had a right to sit, debate, and vote in the
House of Assembly, and to be deemed members thereof.
No person holding any post of profit under Georgia, or any military commission other than in the State's militia,
was competent for election as a representative. If any representative accepted any such place of profit or military
commission, his seat in the House of Assembly became, eo instanti, vacant. The office of a justice of the peace
was not reckoned a post of profit.
No one was permitted to hold at the same time more than one office of profit within the gift of the State.
The executive powers of the government were confided to the governor, who was to exercise them under the advice
of the executive council. Authorized to reprieve a criminal or to suspend the collection of a fine, he was required
to refer the question of pardon or remission to the House of Assembly, whose determination was conclusive. With
the advice of the executive council he possessed the power to convoke the House of Assembly upon an emergency,
and to fill all vacancies occurring prior to general elections. All commissions, civil and military, were issued
by him under his hand and the great seal of state.
Except when they were considering laws and ordinances submitted by the House of Assembly, it was made the duty
of the governor to preside at all meetings of the executive council. He was to be elected annually by ballot, and
was not eligible to office more than one year out of three. During his term of office he was debarred from holding
any military position whatever, and was compelled to reside at such place as the House of Assembly for the time
being should direct. No person was eligible for the office of governor who had not been for three years a resident
of the State.
The executive council was required to meet the day after election and to select a president out of and from its
own membership. It was vested with power to appoint its own officers and to frame rules for its procedure. In all
deliberations of council the vote was to be taken by counties, and not individually. It was the privilege of each
member of council, within three days after a measure was discussed and determined upon, to have his protest formally
entered.
During sessions of the assembly it was made the duty of all the members of council to be present that they might
examine the laws and ordinances submitted by the House of Assembly. Laws and ordinances so referred were to be
returned within five days with any remarks the council deemed it proper to make in reference to them. Committees
from council, sent to the House with proposed amendments to any law or ordinance, were required to deliver their
reasons for such amendments, " sitting and covered," the House at the time, with the exception of the
speaker, being uncovered.
In the absence or during the illness of the governor, the exercise of his powers devolved upon the president of
the executive council. Communications from the House to the governor or to the executive council were to be delivered
through the medium of a committee. Messages from the governor to the House were to be borne by the secretary of
council, and those from the executive council by a committee of that body.
The governor for the time being was to be the captain-general and commander-in-chief of the militia, and of the
military and naval forces of the State.
All commissions granted to militia officers were to remain valid only daring the good behavior of the parties commissioned.
The militia, in counties possessing a population of two hundred and fifty men and upwards capable of bearing arms,
was to be organized into one or more battalions. Where the number of inhabitants liable to do military duty, within
the limits of a county, was less than two hundred and fifty, independent companies were to be formed.
A superior court of general jurisdiction was to be established in each county, with two sessions in each year.
All causes arising between parties residing in the same county were to be tried within that county.
Matters in dispute between contending parties, resident in different counties, were to be. tried in the county
in which the defendant resided ; save that in cases involving the title to real estate adjudication was to be sought
in the county in which the land was situated. Breaches of the peace, felonies, and treason were to be tried in
the county where the crime was committed. Where the population of a county was insufficient to form a court for
the trial of causes both civil and criminal originating within its limits, those causes were triable in the county
next :adjacent in which a competent court could be found. The bench of the superior court was composed of a chief
justice and of any three or more justices residing in the county. In the absence of the chief justice the senior
local justice on the bench acted in his place.
Provision was made for trial, on appeal, by a special jury. The jury was to judge of the law as well as of the
facts.
Captures by sea and land and maritime causes were to be tried by a special court, to be convened by the chief justice
in the county where the same were made or arose. Quick determination was to be had, and the mode of procedure was
to conform to that established for the guidance of the superior court.
No grand jury should consist of less than eighteen members, any twelve of whom could find a bill.
Courts of conscience as previously established in the province were to be continued with a jurisdiction of ten
pounds.
Executions exceeding five pounds, except in the case of a court merchant, might be stayed until the first Monday
in March, provided security was given for the payment of the judgment.
All costs attendant upon an action in the superior court were limited to three pounds, and no cause was to be allowed
to depend for a longer period than two terms.
Every state officer was liable to be called to account by the House of Assembly.
Each county was required to keep its public records.
Entails were forbidden. The estate of an intestate was to be equally divided among the children, — the widow, if
any, taking a child's share or dower, at her option. The estates of other intestates were to be distributed according
to the provisions of the act of Charles II., unless otherwise ordered by the legislature.
In each county there was to be a register of probates, appointed by the legislature, " for proving wills and
granting letters of administration."
All civil officers in every county were to be annually chosen on the day named for the general election, except
justices of the peace and registers of probate, who were to receive their appointments from the House of Assembly.
Schools were to be erected in each county, and supported at the general expense of the State.
Similar provision was to be made for the construction of courthouses and jails.
A free toleration of all religions was guaranteed, provided they were not repugnant to the peace and safety of
the State. The support of religious teachers was left entirely optional.
With regard to the great seal of state the following device was prescribed: " On one side a scroll whereon
shall be engraved The Constitution of the State of Georgia, and the motto Pro bono publico : on the other side
an elegant house and other buildings, fields of corn, and meadows covered with sheep and cattle ; a river running
through the same, with a ship under full sail; and the motto, Deus nobis hoec otia fecit."
Permission to plead and practice in the courts of Georgia was to be obtained from the House of Assembly. With that
body rested the right to suspend for malpractice. This provision, however, was not intended to abridge the inherent
right of every freeman to appear in and conduct his own cause.
Excessive fines and inordinate bail were forbidden. The principles of the habeas corpus act were declared a part
of the constitution.
The freedom of the press and the right of trial by jury were to remain forever inviolate. No clergyman was to be
allowed a seat in the legislature.
Alterations of and amendments to this constitution could be made only upon petitions from a majority of the counties;
those petitions, in each instance, being signed by a majority of the voters of the counties from which they came.
Under such circumstances it was the duty of the House of Assembly to call a convention of the people to pass upon
the alterations and amendments thus suggested.
Such were the provisions of the first regular constitution adopted by the people of Georgia. They were, in the
main, well considered, wise, and suited to the emergency. Many of them have withstood the changes of more than
a century, and to this day exert their beneficial influences.
Scarcely had this instrument been published, when an alarm was again sounded on the southern frontier. The king's
troops and the Florida banditti were in motion, and the present incursion assumed formidable proportions. On the
northeast side of the St. Ilia River, on rising ground about eighty yards from the water's edge, and thirty miles
in advance of Fort Howe, the Georgians had constructed " a small stockade work," called Fort Mclntosh,
one hundred feet square, with a bastion at each corner, and a block-house in the centre which answered the purposes
of a magazine, a shelter for the garrison, and a tower of defense. The erection of this fort in such an exposed
position was suggested by the owners of numerous and extensive herds of cattle ranging between the rivers St. Ilia
and Alatamaha, who craved protection for their property. Respect being had to thia object, the location was well
chosen; although, being beyond the line of the Alatamaha, it was isolated in its situation and difficult of relief
upon an emergency. Captain Richard Winn, a young officer who had distinguished himself under Colonel Moultrie in
the defense of the fort on Sullivan's Island in June, 1776, was in command of this post. Its garrison consisted
of forty men from the third South Carolina regiment, and twenty continental troops belonging to the Georgia brigade.
Lieutenant-Colonel Elbert received information that a column, some five hundred strong, under the command of Colonel
Fuser, assisted by the notorious Tory officers Brown, McGirth, and Cunningham, and composed of regulars, loyalists,
and Indians, had taken up the line of march from St. Augustine and was moving upon Georgia. At day dawn on the
morning of the 17th of February, 1777, an attempt was made by Colonels Brown, Cunningham, and McGirth, at the head
of seventy Florida Rangers and eighty Indians, to surprise the garrison of Fort Mclntosh. For five hours were continuous
assaults launched against the work. These were gallantly repulsed. A demand for unconditional surrender, accompanied
by threats of death to the entire garrison in case of refusal, was then urged. Captain Winn proposed and obtained
a suspension of hostilities for one hour that he might deliberate. At the expiration of that time he returned the
following answer: " I have considered your proposition and am bound in honor not to comply. Should we fall
into your hands we shall expect to be treated as prisoners of war." This response was delivered to Colonel
Brown by Sergeant Hollis bearing a flag. Upon receiving it Colonel Brown handed him a copy of Lord Howe's proclamation
with the request that it be presented to Captain Winn.
Hostilities thereupon recommenced, and were continued until late in the afternoon. Brown then posted a strong guard
around the fort to prevent the besieged from escaping under cover of the night, and withdrew his command a short
distance. In the fort one man had been killed and three wounded.
Dark coming on, Captain Winn dispatched Sergeant Owens to Colonel Francis Harris, commanding at Fort Howe, informing
him of his critical situation and requesting that reinforcements should be immediately sent. Colonel Harris was
also to be advised that the fort would hold out as long as possible, and that upon the first intimation of the
approach of the desired assistance Captain Winn, with the garrison, would make a sally upon the enemy. Sergeant
Owens reached Fort Howe at daylight on the morning of the 18th. Unfortunately, Colonel Harris had only forty men
fit for duty, and found himself wholly unable to move for the relief of Fort Mclntosh. Meanwhile Colonel Brown
awaited the arrival of a reinforcement from the south side of the river, under the conduct of Colonel Fuser, consisting
of detachments from the fourteenth, sixteenth, and sixtieth regiments of light infantry, numbering two hundred
men.
At nine o'clock on the morning of the 18th the assault was renewed. Sheltering themselves behind logs and stumps,
the Indians approached quite near the fort and annoyed the besieged by maintaining a close watch and an accurate
fire upon the loopholes. The garrison still hoped for relief from Fort Howe, and held itself in readiness for the
contemplated sally. About three o'clock in the afternoon Captain Winn was a second time summoned to surrender.
Deeming it important to gain time, two hours were consumed in consultation. At length, despairing of the expected
succor, finding that his ammunition was nearly exhausted and that his provisions would not last beyond another
day, that officer proposed a personal conference with Colonel Fuser midway between the fort and its besiegers.
Articles of capitulation were drawn up and assented to except one proposed by Captain Winn. That article read thus:
"For the further safety of the prisoners against Indian treachery a full company of British Regulars shall
escort them to the Alatamaha river opposite Fort Howe, and the British commander shall be responsible for the conduct
of the Indians and the Florida Rangers towards the prisoners." It was rejected by Colonel Fuser, who refused
to be responsible except for the behavior of the British regulars. Winn thereupon declined to surrender and added
that he did not despair of being able to defend the fort until he was reinforced. He reminded Colonel Fuser of
the fact that the garrison of a fort upon the confines of Canada, surrendered under similar circumstances, had
been murdered by Indians. He also called his attention to the known cruelty of Brown, Cunningham, and McGirth,
and to the savage disposition of Cussuppa, the chief in command of the Creek Indians.
Returning within the stockade and advising his men of what had transpired, they one and all heartily indorsed the
action of their captain and united in a brave determination to perish honorably in the defense of the post. As
hostilities were about to be renewed, Fuser reopened the negotiation and finally consented to incorporate the article
in the terms of capitulation. The garrison agreed not to take up arms until regularly exchanged. For the faithful
observance of the stipulations contained in the articles of capitulation Lieutenants John Milton and William Caldwell
were surrendered as hostages. It was understood that all privileges due to their rank as commissioned officers
in the continental army should be fully accorded. Taken to St. Augustine, these gentlemen suffered confinement
in the castle for nine months. About sunset the fort was evacuated, the formal surrender being conducted by Captain
Winn and Lieutenant Toles. To them their side arms were returned.
Marching with his command under an escort, as stipulated for in the articles of capitulation, Captain Winn proceeded
about two miles in the direction of Fort Howe and then encamped.
Early in the evening the British officers and soldiers composing the guard began returning, under various pretexts,
to their camp near Fort Mclntosh. Remonstrances against this strange and unwarrantable behavior were treated with
contempt and derision. By ten o'clock the escort had entirely departed and the Americans were left alone. Suspecting
some treachery, Captain Winn roused up his men: and, passing through forests, swamps, and morasses probably never
before traversed by Europeans, after a forced march of thirty-five miles reached Fort Howe the next day about ten
o'clock.
The news of the capture of Fort Mclntosh spread rapidly through the State, and the arms-bearing population flocked
to the standard of Colonel Mclntosh, who was already in the field and advancing to the line of the Alatamaha. General
Robert Howe, who had succeeded General Charles Lee in the command of the Southern Department, was notified at Cbarlestown
of the pending invasion. He at once repaired to Savannah, leaving instructions with Colonel Moultrie to send on
a strong detachment. Having sailed through the inland passages, Lieutenant-Colonel Marion with six hundred men,
four field-pieces, and an ample supply of ammunition and provisions, reached Savannah on the 28th of February.
Mclntosh, however, with the first battalion of his brigade and some other troops hastily collected, had already
met the enemy, who, surprised at this unexpected demonstration, abandoned the expedition and retreated into the
heart of Florida.
So general was the alarm, and so universal the impression that a renewal of these hostilities would occur at an
early day, that a large proportion of the militia of the State was ordered into service, and the rest directed
to hold itself in readiness to concentrate at a moment's warning. A camp was formed at Midway Meeting-House.
It being found impossible at all times to convene the council of safety with a promptness requisite for the proper
dispatch of business, President Bulloch was, by resolution of council adopted on the 22d of February, requested
" to take upon himself the whole executive powers of government, calling to his assistance not less than five
persons of his own choosing to consult and advise with him on every urgent occasion when a sufficient number of
councilors cannot be convened to make a board." Unusual as was this delegation of power it excited neither
jealousy nor harsh comment. The times were hazardous, delays dangerous, and decision and prompt action imperatively
demanded. The prudence, wisdom, courage, and patriotism of Mr. Bulloch were conspicuous. In him did the people
trust with a confidence and a devotion rarely exhibited.
But a little while, however, did he survive to exercise these extensive powers. Before the month of February was
ended he died, and the State was filled with mourning. He passed away, the lamp of liberty in his hand trimmed
and burning, bis noble character, patriotic impulses, and brave acts a precious heritage to his people. The savor
of his good name is indissolubly associated with the proudest annals of the period, and he will always be remembered
as the first republican president of Georgia.
On the 4th of March, 1777, Button Gwinnett was, by the council of safety, elected president and Commander-in-chief
until such time as a governor should be duly appointed in accordance with the constitutional provisions.
During the session of the assembly in Savannah a resolution was adopted to add three battalions of infantry and
a squadron of dragoons to the Georgia troops serving on the continental establishment, and to form them all into
a brigade. Colonel Lachlan Mclntosh was to be promoted to the rank of brigadier-general and assigned to the command
of these forces. His commission was to bear date as of the 16th of September, 1776. Gwinnett had been a candidate
for this position. He was embittered by McIntosh's success. When he assumed the reins of government, he permitted
not his anger to slumber. In order to mortify the military pride of his adversary, he endeavored to impress upon
the public mind the danger of vesting military commanders and courts-martial with the exercise of any powers which
could possibly be withheld from them and entrusted to the civil authorities.
Acting upon this theory he intervened in army matters to such an extent that he seriously impaired the discipline
of the troops, and incited among the officers a spirit of insubordination toward the commanding general. Thus,
when an officer was charged with an offense either civil or military, Gwinnett claimed the right of trying him
before the executive council. If an officer was to be detailed for special duty, or assigned to a temporary command
of moment, he insisted that he should take his orders from the president and council. Anxious to signalize his
administration by a feat of arms, he planned an expedition against Florida. The prospect of retaliation was pleasing
to the public, and in the breast of the president there lurked an ambitious hope that he would be able to overrun
and subdue that sparsely populated province and annex it to Georgia.
Instead of entrusting the command of the expedition to General Mclntosh who, as the ranking military officer of
the State, was entitled in all fairness and in accordance with custom to expect and to claim it, Gwinnett, heaping
affront upon affront, set him aside and determined in person to lead the expedition. His purpose was to form an
invading army with the militia and continental troops without consulting General Mclntosh on the subject or even
allowing him to accompany his brigade. Proclamations were piinted which he proposed to scatter broadcast through
the land so soon as he crossed the river St. Mary. His idea was that, to insure success, nothing would be needed
but to hoist the standard of liberty in Florida, make a show of an army, and encourage the people to a change of
government. The movement was to be immediate. Upon reflection, however, remembering that the province of East Florida
was largely peopled by loyal refugees from Georgia and Carolina, that no reliance for subsistence could be placed
upon the products of the region, and that an accumulation of supplies was requisite before he could venture upon
the expedition, he abandoned the scheme as at first chimerically entertained.
Still intent upon the consummation of his ambitions project, he assembled his council, denominating it for the
time being a council of war, and concerted the following plan of operations. Sawpit Bluff, twelve miles from the
mouth of St. John River, was designated as the place, and the 12th of May as the time for the rendezvous of the
forces which were to participate in the reduction of East Florida. Colonel Baker, with the Georgia militia, was
to march by land, while Colonel Elbert, embarking four hundred of the continental troops in three galleys and several
small boats, was to repair by water to the point indicated. General Howe was requested to furnish some Carolina
troops.
After strenuous exertions Colonel Baker succeeded in securing from the militia only one hundred and nine volunteers.
With these he proceeded to Fort Howe where he expected Colonel Sum-ter, with his regiment, to form a junction with
him. That officer, however, with his command, had been ordered back to South Carolina. Disappointed, yet not disheartened,
Colonel Baker began crossing the Alatamaha River. It was so swollen that its waters completely filled the swamp
on either hand. Forty-eight hours were consumed in effecting a passage.
At day dawn on the 4th of May he was attacked by a party of Indians. Lieutenants Robeson and Fraser were wounded.
The savages were quickly repulsed. They were pursued as far as Finholloway Creek. Crossing the rivers St. Ilia
and St. Mary on rafts, Colonel Baker reached Sawpit Bluff on the day appointed. Finding that Colonel Elbert had
not arrived, he dispatched Major William Baker with forty men to reconnoitre the country as far as the Cow-ford
on the St. John River. He fell in with one Barefield, an inhabitant of the province, who informed him that spies
had already communicated intelligence of the advance of the American forces, and that St. Augustine was supposed
to be the objective point of the demonstration.
During the night of the 15th Colonel Baker lost forty horses, stolen by Indians. Taking their tracks that officer
found them about four miles from his camp, hobbled and on the edge of a deep swamp. He succeeded in recovering
them from their captors after sustaining a loss of two men wounded and four or five horses killed.
No intelligence having been received from Colonel Elbert, and the enemy in St. Augustine being aware both of the
location of bis camp and of the strength of his command, Colonel Baker, on the morning of the 17th, deemed it prudent
to change his encampment to a position more favorable both for observation and for retreat, in case he should be
attacked by a superior force. While doing so he was confronted by Colonel McGirth. Hastily dismounting his men
he prepared for action, which had no sooner commenced than twenty or thirty of his command, without firing a gun,
fled into an adjacent swamp. The main body of the enemy, led by Colonel Brown, had been formed in three divisions
of one hundred each. Two of them pressed Colonel Baker on the flanks and compelled him to retreat, through a galling
fire, into the swamp. The colonel himself narrowly escaped capture, as he was forced to retire on foot, his horse
having been appropriated by one of his men. Only about fifty of his command participated in the affair, the rest
departing in confusion from the scene of action which was near Nassau River. The Americans lost eight killed (five
of whom were butchered by the Indians after they had surrendered), nine wounded, and thirty-one captured. Among
the slain were Lieutenants Fraser and McGowen. Lieutenant Robeson was wounded, and Captains Few and Williams were
taken prisoners. The command was wholly dissipated. Some of its members subsequently joined Colonel Elbert, but
most of them in small parties made their way back to the Georgia settlements.
Colonel Elbert was much perplexed upon finding that he was placed in command of the continental forces detailed
for the expedition, to the exclusion of General Mclntosh who, as his superior officer, was entitled to claim that
distinction. He was also greatly concerned at the abnormal condition of affairs brought about by orders emanating
from President Gwinnett and his council, by which he was required to report directly to, and receive his instructions
from, the governor and council. On the 24th of April he communicated with General Mclntosh, advising him of the
unsatisfactory and disagreeable situation in which he found himself, and expressing his regrets that all requisite
orders did not come through his commanding general.1 He even went so far as to call the attention of the governor
and council to the irregularity. Gwinnett, however, controlled his council and, being of an imperious will and
implacable in his hate, was firmly resolved to supplant General Mclntosh, and subject him, if possible, to humiliation
and further disgrace.
The continental troops destined for the expedition having been concentrated at Sunbury and supplied with necessary
ammunition and provisions were embarked on board transports on the afternoon of the 30th of April. Impeded by head
winds, and delayed by some of the galleys getting aground, Colonel Elbert did not reach Frederica until Sunday,
the 11th of May. There he rested his troops until the 18th, when he advanced to the north end of Amelia Island.
Lieutenant Robert Ward, of the second battalion, with a party, was ordered ashore with instructions to proceed
to the south end of the island and secure all the inhabitants so that they might be prevented from communicating
to the enemy any intelligence of the approach of the Americans. Previously, however, the enemy had there landed
a detachment and was observing the movements of General Elbert. Perceiving Ward's approach, the officer in command
of the British detachment dispatched a boat to give the alarm to an armed vessel lying at anchor south of the island.
Guns were fired by the vessel and these were answered by cannon at the mouth of the St. John River. Attacked by
the enemy, Lieutenant Ward was slain and his party driven back.
On the 19th thirteen men of Colonel Baker's command joined Colonel Elbert and informed him of the disaster which
had occurred at Nassau River. Two days afterwards three others came in and gave fuller report of the unfortunate
affair. They, with five others, had been captured by McGirth and placed under the charge of an Indian guard. Falling
upon them unexpectedly, the Indians, with hatchets and knives, massacred their five companions. These three, in
the confusion, effected their escape. Of Colonel Elbert's approach by water the authorities in East Florida were
fully informed. A detachment of artillery, sent from St. Augustine, was occupying a battery erected at Hester's
Bluff, and a schooner, mounting ten guns, and an armed sloop were already guarding the inland passage between Amelia
Island and the main. At the mouth of the St. John River two war vessels, one of fourteen and the other of sixteen
guns, were standing on and off waiting to intercept the American galleys if they attempted an approach from the
sea. With them Elbert was unable to cope.
Confined within the narrow limits of the galleys, and subjected to the influence of the sun, each day growing hotter,
his men were becoming exhausted and discontented. Because of the vexatious delays to which he had been subjected
his stock of provisions was already scant, and there was no good prospect of his being able to force the coast
guard and obtain a fresh supply from the shores of the St. John's. These untoward circumstances, combined with
Colonel Baker's defeat, induced Colonel Elbert to give over his purpose and retire upon Frederica. From Cumberland
Island, under date of May 80th, he wrote Major Habersham a letter, from which we extract the following : "I
dispatched Lt Col. Stirk last Monday night with 90 men to make a forced march under cover of the night and penetrate
as far as the Rains where I was in hopes he might surprize and make prisoners of some of the enemy, by which means
I expected to get some information of their situation which I am much at a loss for. He returned the next evening
without being able to do anything. . . . The same night two men belonging to the Congress and on Tuesday night
two men of your regiment, deserted, and are gone to the enemy. This determined me to lose no time in retreating
to St Ilia, as the enemy will from them be informed of our strength, and what is more, of our having had nothing
but rice to eat for five days past. Lieut Coin Harris with one hundred men, rank and file, is gone up the north
side of St Mary's as far as the Ford, from whence he is to march across to St Ilia and join us. I am in hopes he
will be able to fall in with some of the Florida Scouts and Indians, in which case, I will answer for it, he gives
a scourging to double his number, should there be as many. Our brave fellows are in high spirits and wish an opportunity
of a trial of skill with the Floridians which I would have given them had I gone to the banks of St John's river.
I knew too well the defenceless situation of the State to risk so many of her troops on the turn of a die. Could
we have got the gallies into St John's river I would, with the men I had with me, have made the whole Province
of East Florida tremble, but without the assistance of vessels to command the river I don't think it would be prudent
to cross it with fifteen hundred men. However, if I am commanded, I dare attempt it with half the number. I am
well convinced that a post properly established on St Ilia, where it can be succoured by water, will be a great
means of protecting and securing our southern frontiers. It is my opinion, as the enemy are so well prepared for
us, that we should lay by awhile ; and, if Carolina will assist us, join our forces by and by, and then, with the
united force of our gallies and their privateers, make a powerful invasion of that Province. In the mean time we
can be arming, clothing, and disciplining our men. In each of those respects they are at present very deficient.
I have consulted Commodore Bowen on every occasion, who has agreed with me in all matters, and has ever shown the
greatest readiness in forwarding the expedition. He seems a little disappointed at not having had an opportunity
of exchanging a few shots with the enemy. The Gallies will do well inland, but I can't help thinking that two or
three such vessels as the Hinchinbrook would, if they got them at sea, give them a hearty drubbing. This our Enemy
were in eager expectation of, as they knew it to be impossible for us to pass Amelia Narrows."
Colonel Elbert's reasons for abandoning the expedition were approved by the president and council. Retiring on
the last of May, he reached Old Town on the St. Ilia the following day. There he was joined by Colonel Harris and
his detachment. From the St. Ilia Colonel Elbert proceeded to Fort Howe, whence he marched to Darien, and thence
to Savannah. The fleet, under the command of Commodore Bowen, returned to Sunbury. Thus ended this expedition,
conceived in ambition and jealousy, planned without due caution, marred in its execution, and utterly without benefit
in its results.
In the exercise of his gubernatorial powers, and responding to the emergency caused by the lamented death of Archibald
Bullloch, President Gwinnett issued a proclamation requiring the counties to elect delegates to a legislature to
convene in Savannah on the first Tuesday in May, 1777. The election of a successor to President Bulloch was the
first duty of this assembly. Gwinnett was an avowed candidate for the position.
The legislature met, and, after organizing on the 8th of May by the election of Dr. Noble W. Jones as speaker and
Samuel Stirk as secretary, proceeded to the choice of a governor and members of the executive council. John Adam
Treutlen was elected governor by a handsome majority, and Jonathan Bryan, John Houstoun, Thomas Chisholm, William
Holzendorf, John Fulton, John Jones, John Walton, William Few, Arthur Fort, John Coleman, Benjamin Andrews, and
William Peacock were selected as members of the executive council. Of this body Benjamin Andrews was chosen president.
The books and papers of the late council of safety were, by resolution of the assembly, confided to the executive
council, and thenceforth the council of safety ceased to exist.
Grievous was Gwinnett's disappointment. Mclntosh did not hesitate to avow openly his gratification at the election
of Treutlen. In fact, he publicly and in the presence of the executive council denounced Gwinnett as a scoundrel.
The quarrel between these gentlemen culminated on the 15th of May, when Gwinnett challenged McIntosh to mortal
combat. They met the next morning at sunrise, within the present limits of the city of Savannah. Pistol shots were
exchanged at the short distance of twelve feet. Both were wounded in the thigh ; McIntosh dangerously, Gwinnett
mortally. The former was confined to his couch for some time, and the latter, after lingering for twelve days,
died of his hurt.
PICTURE of McIntosh
Gwinnett's death caused great excitement. Dr. Lyman Hall, one of his executors and a warm personal friend, and
other gentlemen of influence, brought the matter to the notice of the legislature, and accused the judicial officers
of a neglect of duty in not arresting Mclntosh and binding him over to answer the charge of murder. The general,
informed of these reflections, as soon as his wound would permit, surrendered himself to Judge Glen, entered into
bonds for his appearance, was indicted, tried, and acquitted. Even this determination of the matter did not allay
the malevolent feelings of the Gwinnett party, who, incensed at the loss of their leader, used every exertion to
impair the influence of Mclntosh and to fetter his efforts in the public service. At the suggestion of his friends,
Colonels George Walton and Henry Laurens, he consented to leave Georgia for the time being, and to repair to the
headquarters of General Washington, for assignment to duty with the continental army. He was instructed to take
command of the western districts of Virginia and Pennsylvania. He carried with him as his deputy adjutant-general
his son, Captain Lachlan Mclntosh, and as his brigade major his young friend and comrade, Captain John Berrien.
Nearly two years elapsed before he returned to Georgia, and during his absence, while his heart was constantly
with his State and people, he rendered signal service in the common cause.
The career of Button Gwinnett was brief but brilliant. An educated merchant of Bristol, England, he removed to
Charlestown, South Carolina, whence, after a short residence, he came to Georgia. As early as 1765 he was engaged
in mercantile pursuits in this province. Subsequently, converting his stock in trade into cash, he purchased the
island of St. Catharine (this island, including a stock of horses, cattle, and hogs, some lumber, and a plantation-boat,
was then purchased by Gwinnett at a cost of £5,250.) from Thomas and Mary Bosomworth, and, having peopled
it with negro slaves, there fixed his abode and turned his attention to agriculture. His residence was in distant
view of the town of Sunbury, then the rival of Savannah in population and commercial importance. With Dr. Lyman
Hall, the leading physician in the community and one of the earliest u Sons of Liberty," he contracted a strong
personal and political friendship. A member of the Continental Congress, in 1776 he was one of the Georgia signers
of the Declaration of Independence. A delegate to the constitutional convention which promulgated the constitution
of February, 1777, it is believed that he had more to do than any one else with framing that important document.
As the successor of Archibald Bulloch he attained the highest honors within the gift of his fellow citizens. Of
his patriotism, love of liberty, and devotion to the cause of American freedom he gave proof most abundant. But
he was ambitious, grasping of power, strong in his prejudices, intolerant of opposition, and violent in his hate.
Rising like a meteor, he shot athwart the zenith of the young commonwealth, concentrating the gaze of all, and
in a short moment was seen no more.
Within the compass of two years are his brilliant aspirations, triumphs, and reverses compressed. Inseparably associated
is his name with the charter of American independence. Of the three members from Georgia whose names are affixed
to that memorable document, two, Lyman Hall and Button Gwinnett, were from St. John's Parish and, we may add, from
the town of Sunbury ; for, although the latter then resided on St. Catharine Island, his home was within sight
of that flourishing seaport, his public and private business was there transacted, he was constantly seen in its
streets, was known and honored of its citizens, and in very truth constituted one of them. Two signers of the Declaration
of Independence from one little town in St. John's Parish and that town wholly obliterated from the face of that
beautiful, lonely, and bermuda covered bluff! It is in perpetuating acts and names like these that memory stays
the engulfing waves of oblivion, and administers signal rebuke to "time which antiquates antiquities and hath
an art to make dust of all things."
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