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History of the 85th Illinois Regiment
Illinois Volunteer Infantry
by
Henry J. Aten |  |
CHAPTER XXII
Page 268-284
January, February & March, 1865
CAMPAIGN OF THE CAROLINAS
Preparations for the coming campaign called forth
every energy, and the utmost activity prevailed throughout the
army. But a rise in the river swept away our pontoon bridge at
Savannah, and General Slocum was ordered to move with the remaining
divisions of the left wing, including General Kilpatrick's division of
cavalry, up the Georgia side of the river to Sister's ferry, where he
was to cross over and seize the Augusta and Charleston railroad
near Blackville. This railway he was to destroy effectually, while
making a well-sustained menace on Augusta. At the same time the
right wing was expected to strike the same line of railroad at Midway,
still maintaining the feint against Charleston.
The army numbered sixty thousand men, and
carried with it sixty-eight pieces of artillery. The trains were
made up of some twenty-five hundred wagons, with six mules to each
wagon, and about six hundred ambulances, with two horses each. The
wagons contained an ample supply of ammunition for a great battle, for
from that time to the end, the possibility of our having to fight a
battle with the united armies of the Confederacy, should General
Lee escape from General Grant, was a contingency to be provided for.
The wagons also contained forage for seven days, and provisions for
twenty days, mostly of bread, coffee, sugar and salt. The supply of the
small rations was generous, but the troops were to depend largely for
breadstuff and meat, on flour, meal, cattle, hogs, and poultry likely
to be found along the line of march.
The country was considered so difficult that the Confederate
authorities believed the swamps and streams would prove an impassable
barrier to Sherman's army. It was like all the southern sea board, low
and sandy, with numerous swamps and rivers. The streams are usually
bordered with wide swamps and approached by long, narrow causeways
leading to bridge or ferry. These causeways could be defended
indefinitely by small bodies of troops, who, when dispersed, could
destroy the bridges and ferry boats, and obstruct the roads by felling
trees. The rivers of South Carolina generally flow parallel with
the Savannah, and many of them are both broad and deep. So it would be
found necessary to march far into the interior of the state, on the
ridges between the streams, until near their headwaters, before
crossings would be found and the heads of column turned in the desired
direction.
On January 20th the left wing, to which the
Eighty-fifth belonged, moved out of Savannah in a pouring rain and
marched ten miles on the Augusta road. At this point we were
mud-bound and water-bound until the 24th, when we abandoned the road,
and by struggling through field and forest, the command reached
Sister's ferry on the 28th, having marched but forty-two miles in eight
days. To add to the difficulties of the situation the river had been
raised by the continued rains until it overflowed its banks, and at
that time was about three miles wide. A pontoon bridge had been laid at
this point, and was guarded by the gunboat Pontiac. The weather cleared
on the next day and the river ran down, so that a part of the command
crossed over on the 5th of February. Previous to crossing we had to
build trestles for considerable distance and then corduroy the
road for two miles and a half, the men working in water from ankle to
waist deep.
While marching through Georgia it was not
unusual to hear ihe citizens say, "Why don't you all go over into South
Carolina, and take, burn and destroy; her people began the war."
Sometimes this was said with a sneering, taunting manner, implying
that there we would find a people less submissive, who would fight to
the bitter end and die in the last ditch. But generally we thought we
could see that the people of Georgia would look upon a raid through
their sister state with at least a degree of complacency. To this
charring our men invariably replied that we were going to South
Carolina as fast as we could march, and if they would possess their
souls with patience, they would soon see a just recompense of reward
meted out to those who first set up the flag of rebellion.
General Kilpatrick's cavalry division moved
throughout this campaign on the front or flank of the left wing. These
troopers crossed on the pontoon bridge on the evening of the 7th, and
many of the Third brigade were at the bridge when they passed into
South Carolina, and never were troops in higher spirits. They said that
"Wherever we followed their trail we would find chimneys but no houses;
that their route would be marked by blazing ruins, and that a crow in
passing over their line of march would need to carry a haversack." That
this was no idle boast was fully established by the ravaged country
found whenever we had the misfortune to fall in the rear of
Kilpatrick's rough riders.
The Fourteenth corps had left Savannah without
being supplied with hard bread, sugar, coffee and salt, but while
waiting for the flood in the Savannah river to subside, steamers
brought an abundance of these rations. Mails were received and
north-bound mail was taken by the out-going transports until the last
moment.
The Third brigade left Sister's ferry on
Wednesday, the 8th, in charge of the corps train, marched fifty miles
in the next three days, and reached the Charleston and Augusta railway
at Williston on the 12th. At a cross road near this place the guide
boards pointed north to Barnwell C. H., south to Burton's ferry, east
to Fiddle pond, and west to Augusta, Ga. This railroad was destroyed
for some thirty miles or more, while the cavalry drove the enemy to
within twenty miles of Augusta. At the same time our working parties
met those of the right wing, it having reached the railway at or near
Midway. When the destruction of the road had been completed,
and the feints against both Augusta and Charleston had attracted
sufficient attention both wings took direct roads to Columbia. We
crossed both branches of the Edisto river, meeting no opposition other
than swamps, until the 15th, when a slight skirmish was had with
Wheeler's cavalry, which did not delay the marching column a
moment. On the morning of the 16th we arrived in front of Columbia,
within an hour after the arrival of General Howard and the right wing.
The union of the two wings of the army before the first objective
in tne campaign was a fine tribute to the skill with which the widely
divergent wings had been ted and manoeuvred. It was now so evident that
the enemy could offer no serious defense at Columbia that the city was
left to the tender mercies of the right wing, while we moved up the
Saluda river to Mount Zion church, where we laid a pontoon bridge
during the night and crossed that stream the next morning. On the 17th
we marched to Broad river, camping for the night at the mouth of
Wateree creek, where we learned that the right wing had entered
Columbia at ten o'clock that morning.
As the command marched across the high land
between the Saluda and Broad rivers, a very extended view of the
country was afforded. The day was clear, but a perfect tempest of wind
was raging. In every direction as far as eye could see fire was
burning, the wind spreading the devouring flames far and wide.
None had ever seen such widespread and almost universal destruction.
That evening the ammunition train was parked near the camp of the Third
brigade. While the preparation of supper was in progress fire, which
had been communicated to the tall dry grass which surrounded both
camp and train, was observed approaching the wagons. Instantly all
realized the presence of a new enemy, and for a lime it seemed no
possible effort could arrest the progress of the eager flames, and that
our ammunition train was doomed. But by heroic fighting the flames were
finally subdued, our ammunition saved and a terrible disaster
averted.
That night, while the tempest was still raging
with unabated fury, Columbia was burned. General Sherman always claimed
that the retreating rebels, by burning cotton in the streets, from
which the fire was carried to the buildings by the high wind, caused
the burning of the city. The writer has never been able to adopt that
theory. There had been many Union prisoners of war held in Columbia
until the appearance of our army in front of the city caused their
removal. Many of them, by concealing themselves in the city until our
troops entered, had been rescued. These men claimed to have been badly
treated by their captors and by the citizens as well, and they would
have been more than human if they had not embraced the opportunity to
get even. Moreover, some of them, after escaping from prison,
where they had been almost starved, had been hunted down and recaptured
by citizens with bloodhounds. Then, too, there was a feeling among the
rank and file that the capital of the state first to adopt the
ordinance of secession, and first to insult the flag, should feel
more than a passing touch of war. For these reasons it would seem
probable that if our men did not burn Columbia it was because the fire
was accidentally started before they got round to that which they
considered a duty.
At Freshley's ferry, the point selected for
crossing Broad river, that stream was found to be fully two hundred
yards wide. On account of the tardy arrival of the pontoon train
the Third brigade crossed in flat boats and took position on the
opposite hills to protect the crossing in the event of an attack
from that direction. When the pontoon train arrived and all the boats
had been placed in position, the bridge fell short by ten boats of
reaching the farther shore, and we had to await the arrival of
additional pontoons. Meanwhile General Cheatham, with a part of the
remains of Hood's army, was crossing the same stream a few miles above
in haste to unite with other forces in our front.
The man after whom the ferry was named owned a
flouring mill a short distance below and a large plantation half a mile
or more beyond the crossing. Well supplied with wordly goods he had
become prominent as a citizen before the war and during its progress he
acquired notoriety as a rebel. One of our men of an inquiring turn of
mind, "on investigation bent," learned this and much more from the
books and letters found in the Freshley mansion before it accidentally
caught fire. These papers and books of account showed that this man
held a commission as receiver of the tax levied in kind on the people
of his district by the Confederate authorities for the subsistence of
the rebel armies. Our men also learned through the colored people that
this miller, planter and ferryman had kept a pack of bloodhounds
with which lie hunted escaping Union prisoners and ran down the fleeing
slaves. Whether Freshley fell into the hands of our advance or not the
writer never knew, but if he did the awful score that stood against him
may have been most unfortunate - for him.
Early on Sunday, the 19th, we moved toward
Alston, breaking up the railroad to near that place. On the 21st
we crossed Little river at Winnsboro, where both wings of the army were
again united, the right wing having destroyed the railway the entire
distance from Columbia to Winnsboro, where the army was now massed.
Winnsboro is situated on the South Carolina and Charlotte railway,
thirty-nine miles north of Columbia and seventy miles south of
Charlotte, N. C. The movement of the entire army so far north served to
support the theory that it was Sherman's purpose to march to Virginia
by the way of Charlotte. To maintain this delusion the cavalry
were boldly pushed up to within five miles of Chester, while the
infantry broke up the railroad almost to that point.
At Winnsboro there was a rigid inspection of
the wagon trains, and all surplus baggage was thrown out and burned.
This was rendered necessary because every wagon would be needed in the
conveyance of grain and forage for the animals while marching through
the very difficult and barren country the army was now about to enter.
"Soldiers," says the cynic, "may live on enthusiasm, but horses
and mules must have oats." Here, too, many broken-down horses and mules
were shot, rather than abandon them to fall into the hands of the
enemy. This was a sad duty, for the men had long since learned to
admire the patient endurance of those much abused partners of adversity.
Next in importance in the army, after the
health and efficiency of the men, is the condition of the mules. At
this period of the war the Federal government was the largest mule
owner in the world, and in a campaign like the present their endurance
was tested to the utmost limit. Without ancestry or hope of posterity
this curious animal is the puzzle of the brute creation. A
past-master in devilment, he abounds in cunning while his solemn visage
tends to disarm suspicion. He appears to have been born old in
iniquity; an appearance which the dexterity of his heels and roguish
tricks seem to confirm. Always longing for something to eat, he
prefers forbidden or stolen food, but on occasion can go for days
without food or water. The most disreputable in appearance, he is
the most useful of all the dumb toilers whom man holds in unending
slavery. Steady, methodical work suits the mule, and he seems to
know the nature of the emergency as well as his driver does. His
great sad eyes may have a distressed look; his gaunt flanks throb, but
there is no lagging. Driven by whip and spur on half or quarter feed
until they drop from exhaustion, thousands of mules were left to die in
the mud holes in which they fell. A man can give vent to his
sufferings; he can ask for help; he can find some relief in
crying, praying or swearing, but for the poor abandoned mule there was
no help - no hope.
On the 22nd the Second division moved in
charge of the corps train, and for the next few days the rain fell
almost constantly, the road seemed bottomless and wherever a wagon
moved the road had to be corduroyed. We reached the Catawba river at
Rocky Mount Post-office, on the evening of the 23rd. and on the
completion of the pontoon bridge the Second division crossed over. Then
the bridge parted, leaving the other divisions and the corps train on
the other bank. At this point were encountered the greatest
difficulties. A broad, turbulent and rapidly rising river
separated the command, which was the left and exposed flank of the
army, while the other corps, more fortunate in their crossing, were
pushing for Cheraw, on the Great Pedee river. When the general
commanding learned the awkward situation confronting the Fourteenth
corps he authorized General Davis to destroy his trains. But no one in
the command would sanction this except as a last resort. Again and
again the bridge wras swept away by the rising stream and the flooring
lost, but fortunately all the boats save two were recovered, and
material to replace the lost flooring was obtained by tearing down the
buildings near the crossing. Finally, about midnight of the 27th, the
bridge was reconstructed and the trains, without the loss of a single
wagon, crossed over, followed by the other divisions belonging to the
corps. The unfortunate, but wholly unavoidable delay of the
Fourteenth corps, had checked the progress of the whole army at a time
when an effort was being made for a rapid concentration of the
army at Cheraw.
Between the Catawba, the Wateree, and the Great
Pedee rivers, our line of march led us through a country rich in
memories of the War of the Revolution. We were told that Lord
Cornwallis with his command crossed the Catawba at the place the
Fourteenth corps found such a difficult crossing. But a short distance
to our right was the battlefield of Camden, where the brave Baron
DeKalb fell fighting in the patriot's cause. On the first day of March
we took dinner on the field where troops under General Gates had an
engagement with the British under Colonel Tarleton, and the swamps
bordering the streams were made forever famous by the
adventures of General Marion and his dashing rangers.
By a forced march we made seventy-two miles in
the four days next after leaving the Catawba river, over roads that had
to be corduroyed almost the entire distance. One night the Third
brigade marched all night long, arriving in camp just as the head of
column moved out on the new day's march. The command, of which the
Eighty-fifth was a part, reached the Great Pedee river, eight miles
north of Cheraw, on the 3rd of March, the same day that the right wing
entered that city. At Cheraw General Howard captured twenty-eight
pieces of artillery, three thousand stand of small arms, and an immense
quantity of ammunition and stores. Many of the captured stores belonged
to private parties who had moved them to Cheraw for safe keeping when
General Hardee evacuated Charleston. The left wing of the army remained
quietly in camp in the vicinity of Sneedsboro, while a bridge was
thrown across the river, and until the right wing moved north from
Cheraw.
Stung into activity by the overwhelming
disaster threatening the Confederacy the rebel authorities put forth
every effort to concentrate a force capable of meeting Sherman's
army in the field. General Hampton with his cavalry division hastened
to join Hardee in his retreat from Cheraw to Fayetteville, while Joseph
E. Johnston was called from retirement and placed in supreme command of
all the troops supposed to be available to stay the triumphant
march. General Johnston was at this time at Charlotte trying to form an
army out of the remnants of Hood's army, iocal garrisons and the
militia of North Carolina, with which to meet and turn the invader
back. Energetic, skillful and courageous, he only lacked an army to
make him a foe to be dreaded. The news of Johnston's assignment
to command was received by our army as notice to be prepared for
well-planned, stubborn resistance. Officers and men agreed that the
Confederate government had at last taken a wise step, although they
felt equally sure that it was too late for even Johnston to stop the
progress of Sherman's army.
The Great Pedee is three hundred yards wide
where we crossed just below Sneedsboro, and required for a bridge
forty-two canvas boats. The crossing was completed and the pontoons
lifted and loaded on the evening of the 7th, and the next day we
crossed the line into the state of North Carolina, fourteen miles south
of Rockingham. On the 9th we crossed Lumber river (Little Pedee) at
Graham's bridge in a very heavy rain. A resin factory was burning just
above the bridge, and as our column passed over the surface of the
water was ablaze with burning resin and turpentine, presenting in the
pouring rain a weird, uncanny sight. The command reached the plank road
leading to Fayetteville at Thirty-five Mile Post.
About the beginning of the present campaign
General Wade Hampton had been sent from Virginia to take command of
the Confederate cavalry in South Carolina in the hope that his great
personal influence would arouse the people of that state to energetic
action in defense of their homes, and thus do what the most
fervent appeals had so signally failed to accomplish in Georgia. But
the people, almost frantic from fear, refused to rally to his standard,
and so far the magic of his great name had not checked the advance of
Sherman's army. Coming as the especial champion of South Carolina,
Hampton had been driven from her capital, the city of his home, and
expelled from his native state, without fighting a single battle.
In the retreat from Cheraw to Fayetteville he had been deceived into
moving too far north, and on the evening of the 9th, in his effort to
rejoin Hardee, he unexpectedly found Kilpatrick's cavalry division
interposed between his command and the infantry column he was seeking
to overtake. Thinking he saw an opportunity to surprise Kilpatrick by a
night attack, and hoping in the sudden onset to disperse or capture his
dashing troopers, Hampton made his plan to attack before daylight
on the morning of the 10th. The plan was well conceived, the movement
up to the moment of attack skilfully concealed, and the resulting
surprise complete. But Kilpatrick and his men were apt to develop
unexpected resources in the rough-and-tumble fight, and it required but
a short time for them to rally, when they routed the enemy by a return
charge.
The Second division was moving on the extreme
left of the infantry column, and the evening of the 9th, camped about
four miles south of Kilpatrick. Between two and three o'clock on the
next morning, the noise of a furious battle broke out in the direction
of the cavalry camp. The artillery firing was heavy and continued,
giving notice of more than the ordinary affair between outposts, and
the Second brigade was hurried off in the direction of the conflict,
while the other brigades of the division resumed the march with the
utmost unconcern. That night when the Second brigade rejoined the
division we learned that Kilpatrick had been surprised, his
headquarters, his artillery and many of his men captured in the first
onset. But while the exulting enemy was engaged in plundering
headquarters, and trying to harness the horses to the batteries,
Kilpatrick rallied his men and charged the foe, recovering his
headquarters, recapturing his artillery and driving the enemy from
his camp with heavy loss, before the arrival of the infantry brigade
sent to his relief.
Meeting General Kilpatrick many years ago he
told the writer some interesting details omitted from the official
report of that rough-and-tumble fight. The general said, "On the
evening before the fight we ran into the rear of General Hardee's
column, and from prisoners captured learned that Hardee was
rapidly retreating to Fayetteville, and that Hampton with the
cavalry was a few miles in the rear, but rapidly moving on the same
point. Upon receiving this information, I determined to intercept
him, and prevent his force from uniting with that of Hardee. I
posted one brigade at a hamlet called Solemn Grove, on the
Morgantown road, another brigade on a road some three miles north, and
the third brigade some three miles southeast, at the point where the
last mentioned road intersects the road to Morgantown. That night I
slept in a house at the intersection of the roads. Toward morning
I became restless, got up and stepped out on the porch, where I
was standing in my nightshirt, when several men dressed in our uniform
rode up and inquired for General Kilpatrick's headquarters.
Something in the tone of voice, perhaps, aroused my suspicion, and I
promptly replied, ''Down the road about half a mile," and away they
went. Just then I saw the enemy in force coming on the charge, and I
ran around the corner of the house and in the direction of a
swamp. Soon I was fortunate enough to catch a horse and mounting
bareback rallied a few men and began to fight. The sound of our firing
made a rallying point for our men, and very soon I had a charging
column formed. The rebels struck our artillery park in their charge,
which broke them up rather badly and observing that they were
intent on plunder, and widely scattered, the charge was sounded and
after a sharp fight, we drove the enemy from the field."
On the 10th, the Third brigade had charge of
the division train, and soon after leaving camp the rain began to
fall in torrents, the earth seemed to melt under our feet, and that day
and night we corduroyed the road for the greater part of twelve miles.
Layer after layer of corduroy disappeared in the ooze, and it required
the best efforts of both men and officers to move the train of one
hundred and fifty wagons over the weary miles of quicksand. Officers
and men were compelled to work through the whole night in pouring rain,
and in mud and water from one to three feet deep, but the hardy Union
warriors lifted the wagons out of the mire, and landed the train in the
division camp at eight o'clock on the morning of the nth. Here we
rested an hour for breakfast, and then pushed on to Fayetteville,
arriving there at two o'clock that afternoon.
On approaching Fayetteville, the Fourteenth
corps was designated to enter first and the Third division having
the advance on that day, with but a slight skirmish, took possession of
the city about noon, the enemy under Hardee retreating in the direction
of Raleigh. Seventeen pieces of artillery and many small arms were
captured and the U. S. arsenal, basely surrendered by a
treacherous officer at the beginning of the war, was recaptured.
Chapter 21
Chapter 23

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