This is information on James B. Carter

graciously submitted by

Ken Schultz email: mail2ken@earthlink.net

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Please take the time to be thrilled with a heretofore unreleased record of one man's chronicle of his part in the American Civil War don't let his Preface scare you off. This manuscript has been typed as close to the original handwritten text, as possible, with its author's colorful errors and flexible spelling intact. Some military and other period terms are defined at the end, to assist the reader.

PREFACE

To be born is a condition that has come to evry one that has been born into this life since the world began, and the onley difference that there is in the culmination of such an event is the conditions that may have surrounded each individual case. It has often occurred that the Prince of the relm, and the Pesant of the lowest order, have been born within the same hour, and so far as the physical fact was concerned, there was no difference, but the social conditions that have obtained in these cases, was notoriously to the extent that in the former, the fact of the birth was heralded to evry part of the civilized world, over which the inhabitance were greatly rejoyced, and celebrated the occasion with lowd acclaim while in the latter incident little was known of the fact outside of the hovel in which it occurred, and instead of honor and goodwill to the little strainger, the question of food and raiment was seriously considered without reaching a satisfactory conclussion. Thus quietly, and meekly millions have come, and lived in it for a time and have gone out of it without either fact being known outsider of the circle of a very small number of friends whose friendship and kind offices was a matter of duty instead of pleasure.

Some however, like the redeemer of the world, have been paupers as were at birth, have died kings, and princes of the relm, and for many years afterwards have been reveranced as great benefactors of the race. Thus the story of the cross will be told through out all ages till all the world shal hear the glad tidings, and the name of Lincolon will be reveranced, by all of the lowley, and downtroden, as the great emansipator.

This preface is inteded to introduce to any member of my family who may take the trouble to read the following sketch of my life now being writen in the early daun of my 76 yeare. I am sorry that I havent a more sterling aray of acts to present, but it is something to live so long in the world, and while it has not been my privilege to atchieve great, and notable things, I have performed my duty as I have seen it with energy, and absolute honesty.

CHAPTER I

The reader of the prefface of to this beography will find nothing to indicate that I was born a prince. Neither will be conclude that I was born a pauper, but it will not be out of place to say that while my parents were not rich, as the world looks at such acquirements. They were rich, in the qualities that are necessary to build up and establish an honorable manwhood, and a pure, and unassaleble womanhood. In principal they were arristocrate, and gloried in the honorable traditions of their families, but unfortunately for them and the subject of this sketch, they were seriously handicapped by the balefull influencies of human slavery, that in their day were injected into the social relations of life, by the use of the negro as such, as it existed in the south prior to the civil war, and this observation calls into the question the place of my nativity, which I am not asshamed to locate in the foothills of the cumberland mountains in Cumberland county Kentuckey. It is a matter of history that this part of the country was settled up by imigrants from Verginia, North carlina, and Tenn. All had working people, thoroughly honest in all of their business transactions, and profoundly religeous in their morral uprightness. These people all came from a mountaineous part of the country, and were well equipped for the hardships that were necessary to subdue the wilderness out of which they were to make new homes. Inspite of the hardships that they had to indure I believe that they got more satisfaction out of life, than people do now, with all of the modern opertunities for ease and social pleasures. While these people did not bring a great many slaves with them, they did bring much of the prejudice, that follow in the wake of slave conditions, and they could hardly get away from it, when it was preached to them from the pulpit evry sabath day. I remember that a very favorite test; Servents obey your masters, for such is the will of God", and as the preachers depended upon the few slave for their saleries, they had little trouble in silencing any little prickings of their concience that might diturbe their equinimity that might trouble them, occassioanly.

It looks strange, now that these liberty loving people should have been controled by the influencies that came over the mountains from the far south land, where slavery was paramount.

My Father, Green Carter was born in Cumberland County KY, and his ancesters were Verginians, and of English decent, and though he was oppoesed to negro slavery, his predjudices against the abolitionists were so strong, that inspite of his moving around, very close to the notorious Mason & Dixon line. He never ventured acroll it to live. In his religious views he was quite puretanical, and his observance of the sabath day was so streneous, that it was a torture to young people, who were full of life, and energy, at least that was the way that it appeared to me at the age of 7 & 8 years of age. While he was given to hard labor, as were all who were born in a mountaineous part of the country. They had no faculty for acquiring property in the direction of a permanent home, and if he had done so I am of the opinion that the church would have gotten most of it in one way or an other. During his whole life, from a young man to its close, he was an exorter, a local preacher, and a clas leader, in the methodist church, and spent much valuable time in looking after the churches affares. He was also given to a sperit of unrest, and moved around from place to place, rearly remaining in one place more than one year. Truly he was a rolling stone, that gathers no moss". Inasmuch as other charactoristcs will appears from time to time, in this narrative, further mention is not necessary here.

My mother, Frances Hawkins was born in Verginia, but her father removed to Tenn while she was yet a babe, and shortly aftrwards to Cumberland county Kentuckey, where she grew up to wormanhood without acquiring an education, further than to read. She was a most loveable character, and if she could have acquired a liberal education, she would have taken high rank in the social affares of life. But as it was, she commanded the love and respect of all who ever made her acquaintence. I do not think that anyone who knew her ever spoke ill of her in anyway. Her religious convictions were more profound, and impressive, and so thuroghly unselfish, that one could be mistaken as to the purity of her motives. She was a member of the methodist church for more than fifty years, and inspite of many hardships, and privations, and serious physical disability she lived to be nearley 75 years of age.

Shortly after my birth, which occurred on the 15 day of October 1836. My parents removed to Harden county KY, where we reamined some two years, when they again removed to Mead county KY.

About this time some of our neighbors concluded to remove to southeastern Mo, where they had some relatives already located. I do not remember the county, but know that it was in the corner of the state, on the Miss river, about 18 miles above Newmarked, and my father, every ready to rove, cought the fever, and joined them in this unfortunate venture, which resulted in his death some two years afterwards. At this time we were living about 25 miles from the Ohio river, with the great free north land just beyond, and yet my father faild, or refused to take advantage of the opertunity of his to forever get away from the balefull influence of negro slavery. Just across the border, great opertunities were available for his children to acquire an education, that would prepare them for the responsibilities of life, while on the otherside was enforced ignorance, and social ostracism.

There were three families of us who proposed to go to what they termed a land of promise, and vigerous steps were taken at once to prepare for the removal. A flat boat was constructed, and launched in salt river, a short distance from the Ohio river, which was large enough to carry all of the families, their household plunder, their farming tools, their stock, in fact evrything that would be needed at their new homes. Thogh a small boy, many of the incidents of the journey are indelably fixed in my mind, and are now rememberd at my advanced age, as if occuring but yesterday.

At that time, water transportation was the onley mode for heavy transportation, and the Ohio river teamed with mighty steamers that plowed up and down the rivers, and were in evidence, almost continualy, day and night. Having more space than we needed, we took on some freight, as a speculation, which consisted in part of a lot of barreled lime. We also had an extra passinger on board that engaged my boyish attention during the days, and part of the time at night. This passinger was a well developed member of the bebroon family, this animal, thogh chained became a terror to the children both day and night, and finaly to the men, when they went out one morning and found that broone had tore some of the lime barrels into pieces, and scattered the lime over the boat. Of course the lime had to be thrown overboard. I do not know what became of the perpetrator of all of this miscief, and loss, I onley know that he disapeared, to the great satisfaction of all on board the boat.

In those days, steamboats were a terror to flatsboatmen. The officers of a steamer and steamers in general had very little regard or flatboatsmen, and rarely failed to show their contempt for them by running close enough to throw water over the gunwals of the boat. In cases where onley men were aboard these contemptable acts, created lttle excitement, other than aburst of profanity on the part of the flatboatmen but when there was a lot of women and children aboard, the lementations of these people, parralized the men into profound, silence. The steamboatmen generaly knew who they were fooling with. They did not rouble the boats of the heavy shippers, for each one had some peculararty in the construction of their boats, that was familiar to the officers of the steamboats. Of course there was a law governing transportation, as there is now, but boats owened by occassional shippers like ours, had very little remedy for annoyance, or damages agains these fellows, for the reason that if they even got into the courts with their cases they would have little show for justice against these corporations. So you see that monopolistic forces were in evidence, even in those earley days, and were quite as arrogant and hard to controll as they are at this time, the steamboat interests wanted to monopolize the freight transportation, and used every means in their power to drive the flatboatsman from the rivers. In those days the freight trafic from the Ohio, and Miss vallies were emense, and the heavy part of it found its way to Neworleans by water transportation. The law required each flatboat to display a signal, which was a flage of some kind in the daytime and a large torch light at night.

My boyish interests were wrought up, that I kept out in the open in the daytime, and much of the nights, when I could manage to escape the viligance of my mother, and of course I was able to take most of the passing events in.

I remember that we landed at Rockport Ind to replenish our suply of wood and provissions, but this incident would not be worthy of mention, but forthe fact that it afforded my father another opertunity to brake away from slave influencces, and other bliting conditions. At this place some methodist people found us out, and tried hard to influence my father to abandon the trip, and cast My recolection is that they throwed out some valuble inducements to influence him to locate there, besides this they showed him that they were prety well acquainted with the country to which he was going, and that his family, now so healthy, would be stricken with maleria, and probbaly some of them would die if he went on, but none of these things moved him. He was a very detirmined man and when he started out to do a thing, it was a hard matter to turn him from his purpose. He had started out with these people, and I believe that he thought that it would be an act of cowardice to cut loose from them now. I will mention here in passing, that 10 years after this event, my mother removed within twenty five miles of Rockport, where she resided till she died.

The next notable incident that was impressed upon my mind, occurred at Cairo Ill, where we landed to take on suplies, before embarking upon the busom of the great Miss river, a very bad storm of wind rain and snow broke upon us here with great violence, in the night and so sevier was its fury, that it was deemed unsafe for the women, and children to remain aboard the boat, and it was a very dangerous experiment to attemt to disembark in the darkness that prevailed, but fortunately, all were safely landed, and partial shelter provided for them with quilts, and blankets, which afforded some shelter from the stormy blast. The men worked all night at the pump, and with pikes to keep the boat aflote, and prevent it from swamping. I do not think that any attempt was made to disembak any of the stock, but many of them were damaged by being thrown against the sides of the boat. All of the next day the waves run so high that it was not considered safe to go aboard of the boat, till late in the evning, when we went aboard, and was able to partake of a freshly cooked meal, and pass the night in a refreshing slumber, which was greatly needed by all. The next morning we were able to resume our journey, and were on our way to the promised land, as some of our party called it, where we were advised that all of our hardships would end, and we would be in a land that flowed with milk and honey, and that we would be able to feast upon venison, and bear meat. I have no recolection of any momentuous event having occurred, and there was little to interest one, outside of the great steamboats that were almost continualy passing.

There is something regaly grand about a great floating palace plowing a great river in the night time, and creats a picture that never grows old, and I think that it is to be regreted that whose supurb floating palaces have practicaly disappeared from our great river. Our experience on the great father of waters not for a long time, and we were rejoyced when we were landed at a place, called the Widow Wimps landing, or woodyard.

I have no recolection as to the time of the year, but remember that it was not long till spring. We were able to secure a place to live on a far, in plain sight of the great father of waters, and could see the mighty steames passing almost evry hour. My recolection is that our home was a small cabbin, with ten or fifteen acres of ground around it. and as we had our stock, and a full equpment of farming tools we soon got busy, preparing for a crop. My father planted our little farm in corn and cotton. I think that our planting was all done in Feb.

When we landed, the natives looked at us in wonder, and estonishment. Our cheeks were rosey red, and made a very radical contract to the sallow cheeks of those who lived here. They couldent believe that our robust physical condition was an evidence of superior health, but thought that we must have some kind of physical ailment lerking somewhere, and that our red cheeks were evidence of an internal heat, or fever. Those who had lived north, were wiser than the purely native, who had never been but a very few miles from their homes, we were advised by these wise one, that the blush of youth and viger would soon fade away, and we would be in harmony with the rest of the people, which proved true, as will be related later on. The country was yet quite new, and what farmes there was, were very small. The forests were very dense, besides the trees, and underbrush, emense cainbrakes were in evidence evrywhere, and in some places almost impenatrable. The stock lived throgh the winter on lain leaves, so that very little feed was needed. When we got our crops planted we felt quite comfortable, and really believed that we had made a very fortunated move, which I believe would have proved quite true, if we had been permitted to harvest our crops, and retained our good health.

But unfortunately for us, this was not to happen. About the first of june, the great father of waters showed signs of unrest, which in a short time increased its volumn to an alarming extent. For three weeks the people were kept in constant dread of an overflow, which had not occurred at this time of the year for several years past, but the inhabitance well remembered that such a think had occurred in the past, but hoped that we would escape this time.

A report that a slite fall in the rive had occurred over night strengthen this hope, but when the report gave a rise of a foot or so these hopes were dashed, and general gloom was pictured on the faces of evry one. Thus we were kept in constant dread, and expectancy. The back country being lower than the river front, it was inundated long before the water appeared in our vicinity, and we hoped to the very last that we would escape, all of the hosues were built about three feet from the ground, and we could remain in them till water reached the floor level. I remember that we stayed in our house till all land had disappeared, but the water came on gradualy, surely, and finaly it was decided that we must move out to higher ground, or ridges as they were called, the first one being something more than a mile from the river. In those days, we did not have the benefit of telegraph, or telephone as now, and could know nothing about the flood north, till the water was upon us, unless warned to a limited extent by passing steamers. I remember that we were taken out of our house in boats, or canoes - our stock had been removed to the high ground before the water got too deep for them to wade - some small stock were placed in pens built of railes, and floored above high water mark. I remember that we passed out throgh our cornfield, and that the corn was in roastineare, and that some of the ears were under water, and that my father plucked a lot for use. We passed from our field, into the woods, and pushed our way throgh the cain brakes as best we could, I do not remember how long the flood was on, but I do remember that my father, and mother became very nerveous, and felt that they were imposing on the people who were kind enough to furnish us shelter. My father visited our submerged home evry day, to look after what we had left behind, consisting of household goods stored in the garret, and some hoogs and a calf or two in pens, as before mentioned. Finaly he brought the welcome news that the water was falling, rapidly, and that land was in sight on the high places, and in a day or two that there was little or no water on the river front.

It was a hapy day for me when my father announced that on the morrow we would go home. To be on the watter appealed to my boyish pride, and ambition, besids I wanted to see what had ben the results of the great flood, it was rather a tedious journey throgh the dens cainbrakes, and cyprees knees, but we finaly landed neare where our field of corn had stood when we went out, of which nothing remained but a thick coating of mud, several inches deep. My father took my mother in his arms, and waded with her to the hosue, and then came back for us children, and carried the two youngest ones and bad me follow, as best I could, which I was prowd to be able to do. Our home was in a sorry plite, it was mud, mud evrywhere My fahter had washed the floor, and walls the day before, and they of course were very damp, and should not have used for living purposes for a month at lest. We had better to have lived without where we were, than to have gone into this damp place. I am satisfied that it was here we drank in the malara, that brought the whole family down with fever and ague, that hung on to us the entire time that we remained in the state, and came very nearley ending all of our lives. I am not sure as to dates, but as prety certain that we landed in the state of Mo, in the earley part of 1841, and left the state en the earley part of 1843. I am guided in fixing time by my age, and that of the other children.

The hot sun quickly dried up the mud, and vegitation sprung up and covered the marks of the flood so that those on the trees onley remained. The rest of the summer passed with me rather plesantly, till the early fall, when the fever and ague bagan to get in on me, but my blood was so pure that it required some months to produce a noticable effect, at that time the country abounded with much wild fowl, many of them showing very gaudy plumage, and semed to vie with each other in the melody of their songs. I spent all my spare time in the woods vie3wing their gaudy plumage, and lising to their sweet carrols. Some time in the latter part of the year we left the river front, and removed back to the first ridge as id was called by the natives, where we would not be distrubed by the overflow of the Miss river. I remember that I regreted to leave the river, where I could watch the great streamers as they plowed up and down its turbid waters.

Baring sickness, our second summer passed rather plesantly, and ratther prosperously. My father succeeded in gathering in some stock several milch cows, and three good head of horses. He had secured a kind of preemtion, or squatters right to the place on which we lived which he would have perfected in a year or two if he had lived.

At that time the money products of the country, consisted of cotton, which was exchanged for flower, and groceries, save enough to make their clothing, which they spun and wove in their homes. The country abounded in wild meat, which anyone could have in he owned a gun, and was marksman enough to kill it. The squirls were so thick that one had to herd them out of the cornfields, if he made any corn. My father being a very energettic man, made a good crop in summer, and soght work abroad in the winders. During the winter of 42 & 3 he secured work in the management of a grist, and saw mill several miles away, and it was while working here that he contracted a cold, that in a short time developed into winter fever, and eppidemic that swept over the entire country that winter, and many died for want of medical attention, as did my father. Our resident doctor was taken down with the disease, and the onley medical help that could be had was at New Madred, some 18 miles away. We ordered a physician from that town, but he reached my father two late to save his life, and he had to die, leaving us in a helpliss condition. Myself and sister were both down with the feve, and my younges brother, who was something over a year old had to have continual care, and close attention. The situation was so distreessing that it cast a cloud over my young mind that I could never that it cast a cloud over my young mind that I could never dispell entirely, a kind of nerveousdreat semed to take held of me, and was ever present with me afterwards, while the neighbors were sypoathetic, and helpful, it was a matter of necesity, rather than love that secured their benefactions. My father was rather puritanical in his religeous views, and practice, and his criticism of what he considered wrong, was most seveier, and he had seriously offended many of these people, and I think that it was the respect for my mother that enabled us to secure their kind offices.

As soon as my mother could dispose of our stock, and we were able to be removed, we all went to the Tuckers , a family, and friend that came with us from KY, where we remained till my fathers brother uncle joseph carter could reach us from KY. Which he died some time in February, and as soon as possible we removed to the river at the place where we landed, when we reached the country.

We stoped at the widow Wimps, who was most kind to us, taking care of us while we were waiting for a boat, which required several days as this was onley a woodyard, it was hard to get boats to land for passengers. We had to use a signal flage during the day, and a torch light at night. Of course we had to be ready to embark at once, in case that a boat responded to our call.

It was in the night time that a steamer responded to our call by blowing its whistle, which warned us to get ready to go right on board. Our little household effects were placed where the rousabout could get them easily, and quickly, the landing of a large steamboat at night, as well as in the daytime is an imposing specticale, and is sure to draw a crowd, if in reach. Quite a little croud had gathered to see us off. When the boat officers found that they would get onley deck passengers, with a very megar amount of freight, they indulged in more profanity, than was elegant, but they ordered us put aboard, and in a hurry. In the hurry, and excitement my mother did not notice that the woman that held her baby boy had not come aboard, till the boat was pushing out from the shore. Her peircing screams brought evrybody to attention, even the deck hands, one of whom ran out on the gang plank, and lying down was able to grasp the boy from the womans arms, and deliver him to my mother.

Another incident effected us children greatly. We had a little black feist, called music which we had lost sight of, till we heard her howling frantickly to be takingt on board, but too late. The pet was left behind, but evidently cared for, on our account if no other. We were soon snugly tucked in for the night, and out of danger which was s great consolation for my mother. Her nerves had been terably everwroght by the events of the evning, and could have stood little more.

Our boat arrived at Smithland, about the middle of the forenoon the next day, where we had to reship onto a boat running up the Cumberland river, while our boat proceeded on if way up the Ohio river. In the excitement of disembarking, I had too many gauke eggs on hand, which I did not dispose of intime to pass out onto the wharf boat with the rest of them, of which I was made startlingly concious of, when I heard my mother scream out that her boy was being taken away. In this instance the ganglank had been taken in, but a strong man picked me up, and ran to the sturn of the bat, which had not parted greatly from the wharfboat yet, and handed me across the chasam, into willing hands. It semes that, even then my destiny was towards the great free north land.

We onley had to wait here a short time for a boat to take us on to Nashville, where we arrived without anymore thrilling incidents.

At Nashville had had to again reship on the Cumberland river to near th head waters of navigation, but we were not so luckey in getting a boat. There was onley one small boat running up this river, and it onley made a thrue trip about once in a fortnight. We had to remaine here two or three days. But finaly we were advised that the boat would be along at a certain hour in the day, and we were hustled to the river, and on board of the little boat This steamboat was called the Burksville which was the name of a town situated at the head of Navigation, on the Cumberland river, and was the county seat of Cumberland county. To the people of to day this little boat would not be considered worthy the name of a passenger transportation. Its propelling force up stream could have been exceeded by a good healthy team of horses. The escapement of it stream made a continuous, whistling noise that sounded in the distance like the scream of a wild animal.

When the boat made its first trip, in the country where it passed in the night time, the people were greatly alarmed, believing that some wild animal was at large. The distance that we had to travel was not great, and was soon ended, without any startling incident.

We landed at Cloid s ware house, or ferry, either name was sufficient. As was usualy the case when a steamboat was due, quite crowd greeted us at the landing, which was incidental, as no one knew of our coming, but among the crowd, there were many of our relatives, and friends of my mother, who escorted us to their homes, wirh real KY hospetality. At that time southern hospetality was perverbial and notorious the world over. Even stranger were entertained, and lodged, with no thought of compensation, even the offer of which on the part of the sohourner, would have been offensive.

I remember that we spent some weeks visiting around amoung relatives, and friends, till we finaly reached the home of Uncle Joseph which was a part of the Old Carter homestead. My father had at one time owned a part of this homestead, but I do not hink that he relaised much out of it. In some way a deed had passed to our uncle Joseph, and it is possible that a promise was given to pay a certain purchas price. But as business was done largely on the credit system, I doubt that it was ever paid, which I think my mother knew but as uncle had been very kind to us in many things, she could not complain. I do not recall how long we lived with my uncle but I am sure that it was several months. Finaly a move was made in the community to provide us a home, and the neighbors all turned out, and built us a round long cabbin, in rather an out of the way place on my uncle s farm. The site was selected by my mother because that it was away from the public highway. While she was a very good woman, she was a very great coward, especialy as to the negro population, whom she regarded as being morraly unreliable.

The house was a very crude affare. The floor was constructed out poplar slabs, fastened to the lower joists with wooden pins, and was very open and rough, being smothed with a broad as. In one side was and opning, which was closed with a wooden shutter. The fire place was onley built up half way, and semed to draw the wrong way, and we were often litterly smoked out of the house.

Taking the house as a whole when completed farmers now a days would hardley consider it good enough to stable their horses in but as there were many in the country that were no better, if as good we considered thsat we were rather fortunate to get this cabbin as a donation. My mothers love of a home was sincere, and unbounded, and when she gathered her little family within its walls, and gave such hearty thanks for the privelege, we felt that it was good enough for anybody.

We now set to work in earnes{t} to make a living, and make our selves comfortable. My mother was a great sufferer from asthma, which often rendered her incompetent to perform any kind of labor. I frequently had to sit up with her all night, and give her warm teas, when I thought that she would not live till morning. I did not know that asthma rarely kills people. My mother did all kinds of work such as spinning and weaving. The wool, or cotten had to be made into rolls with hand cards, and I became quite an expert in the use of them. I would card the rolls, while mother would spin them into thred.

During the day I would gather dry sticks with which to keep a light in the fireplace to enable us to work at night, which was often prolonged to a late hour. I will say in passing, that I was now nearing my ninth birth day, but felt that I had the responsibilities of a man resting upon my shoulders. Besides having an inordinant ambition to acquire a home, I had an ever present desire to become educated, and I devoured all the books that I could get ahold of, which were few indeed. There was very little literature in circulation amoung the poor, and middle classes. The onley newspapers that I remember to have seen, was a few copies of the Louisville Journal. I cant remember when I first could read, but up to this time I had never entered a school room, all that I knew I learned at home. When I could get nothing else to read I fell back on the bible, which I devoured greadily. On nights, when I was not engaged in helping my mother I would lay with my head to the fireplace, and read by a brush light.

There were no public schools then as now, and only the well to do could afford to send their children to a subscription school.

My mother desired greatly that I should have school priveleges, and through the influence of wealthy friends got me into a subscription school, but after a trial of three weeks, found that the rich children imposed upon me so much, that she took me out, and I did not attempt to go again while we remained in the state.

My mothers health failed so badly that it became necessary for me to do what I could towards making a living. Wages in those days were very low, and it was hard for a boy to get work at any price. When I was elevn years old I hired out to a farmer at $25.00 dollars a year. It was several miles to the home of my employers home, and I could onley make occasional visits to my mothers home which was the greatest privelige of my life. Language would fail to convey to the reader the pride that inspired my boyous heart, over being able to help my mother support the family. Every moment of my short visits were spent in visiting with my mother, and planning for the future.

I continued to work for $25.00 a year till I was 14 years old. In the latter part of my 14th year I was taken down with inflammatory rheumatism, and was not able to do any work till spring, which was a great calamity, but in some way we lived. The people where ever we lived were kind to us, and when misfortune overtook us, helped us to weather the storm. With the springtime came health, and I was able to go to work again. I was now well along in my 14th year, and was able to do a mans work, but had to accept a boys wages.

We did not realize that great changes were in store for us, and that ere the year should close we would be in another state. About two years before, my Uncle Joseph, had removed to Warrick County Indiana, and he was so well pleased with the country, that he wrote us that he was coming after us in the fall, to remove us to his new home, and to get ready by the first of October, which as I recolect was the fall of 1849. It was a great day for me when we were loaded into my uncle's wagon, and bid farewell to the land of our nativity, possibly for ever. I will here explain that there was not sufficient room in the wagon and I was told that I would have to walk.

Besids my mothers family there was an aunt and her husband, and her two children, and the bedding for bothe fmilies. I received my orders with heroic resignation. The excitement of travel was upon nand I felt equal to any undertaking. A decription of our train will, I opine be interesting reading for those who have had no experience in, or observation of the mode of imigration 60 years ago. My uncle's wagon was a two horse concern with a long stiff toungue, the horses were driven without the driver sat ont he leader, with the off horse tied to it, with a rope halter. There were two other wagons in our train, which were driven in the same way. All of the men folks, except the drivers had to walk, which would not have been very exhausting, if the weather had kept dry. I for one started out in the morning in great sperits and kept it up till in the afternoon, when one of those characteristic southern autumnal rains came down upon us, and continued till after nightfall. We were all wet to skinn, and we soon had to wade mud and water at evry step. But I did not get greatly discouraged. I regarded it as a part of a program in travel that had to be indured, and I knew that it could not be avoided. We had a distant relative living on the road, whose place we desired to reach before camping, but it was about dark when we got there. We got shelter for the women and children but the men folks had to sleep in the wagons, which were {not} very comfortable. The weather cleared up and remained so during the entire trip. We were enrout earley and made a good days travel. The onley incidedt that is worth recoording was that I was advised int he morning that we would pass the residence of my great grandfather Hudgens, on my motthers side of the house. This information did not inspire me greatly. I considered that I had not lost any relatives of that kind, and I was not particularly interested in finding any. I remember that we went into camp for dinner at a creek, and a house on the hill was pointed out to me, as being that of my grandfather, and that when we had eaten our lunch we would go ahead while the horses rested and visit the old people.

When a boy, and up to my earley manhood I was painefully timid or bashfull. I had an abiding horror of a sene, such as the meeting or parting of friends, and on this occassion I figurd that there would be more or less of a sensation, either at meting or parting, which I made up my mind I would not witness, and when they all got ready to go they could not find me, but I knew that I would have to pass the house, but I figured that I coudl keep out of sight behind some of the wagons. When the wagons moved out I followed close in, but when we neared the house I found that the folks had all gone on a walk, and therefore that there would not be any kind of a parting sene for me to witness, and I became more bold. The old gentleman was standing at the gate, and called to me to know who I was, and my timidity all left me, and I felt quite asshamed of my conduct. He was very venerable. I think that they told me he was then in his 96th year, and he lived to be more than a 100 years old.

The rest of the journey was made without any startling incidents. The second day we passed through Glasco, the county seat of Barren county. The third day we passed through Bolingreen, which afterwards became famous in the civil war. The third {fourth?}day took us through Hartford. I finaly became very footsore, and one afternoon I climed into the back end of the wagon, to rest and get a little sleep, but I had hardly got well settled till they found me and ordered me out, and I felt quite disgraced, and my chagrin stuck to me the balance of the journey. The evening of the fourth day we reached Ownsboro, on the Ohio river, and I was again priveleged to look upon that great waterway, down which I had passed 9 years before. On the morning of the 5{th day} we crossed the river into Indiana, which placed us within a days journey of our future home, but did not reach it till the evning of the 6{th} day out. We had traveled about 135 miles, which was prety good, concidering our travling equipment. We were not long in securing a home. My mother was ever vigilent in that direction, and she never failed to find helping hands in procuring one. Lemuel Carter, a cusin of my father, had a vacant house on his farm, that he removed and reerected for us. My mothers perverbial timiditiy timidity again interveaned, and she had the house erected on the back part of the farm, when she could have had it put up on the public road. Lem as he was called hired me at $75.00 a year, which I considered monopolus in comparison to my wages up to this time, as I would earn as much in one year as I had in three years in Kentucky. About the first of January, {Lem}Carter thought that I had better go to school the bal{ance} of the term, two months, and agreed that I might make up the time. However this apparent generosity had in it a streak of selfishness. the corn had all been gathered, and there was very little proffiable work for me to do, and by letting me off the most of my time would be put in throgh the crop season, but myself and mother accepted the apparent favor on his part. In fact the idea of going to school at theis time I considered the greatest event of my life, and I could see nothing but generous impulces on the part of anybody. I had passed my 15{th} birth day, and had never been in a school but three weeks in my life. When on the first of Jan 1850 I started to school, I do not think that any boy ever entered the old log schoolhouse with a prouder step. My books consisted of Daveys third part of arrithmatic, a spelling book, and a copy of the U S history. I was known as the "poor widow womans boy", but throgh my mothers influence I had the respect, and encouragement of the entire school. Four of the boys of my size, who had gone well over into compound numbers concluded that they would go back and come up with the widow womans son. I may remark here that in those days there were no primary textbooks as now. In the two months, I made opretty good headway and my class got well into compound numbers. I used all of the spare time that I could during the summer in reviewing what I had gone over, and possibly advanced a little in other studies. The next winter I got in nearley three months. I commenced with my class at the beginning in arrithmatic, and were soon up to where we left off the previous year. Nearing decimal fractions, my classmates became discouraged, and wanted to review, but I said to them that I would never go over that ground again. They turned back and my recolection is that they never got any further in arriuthmatic. I perseviered, and made fare headway.

My progress at school was so rapid that I attracted considerable notice, especially amoung the old people, who refered their boys to me for an example of what a boy could do if he tried. During the winter my mother was able to get work for me for a very excellent man by the name of Baker. He was a bachelor, but lived on his fathers farm,and provided for the family. I received $12.00 per month and was treated as one of the family. In fact that I was able to relieve my muther from many hardships, was a source of great satisfaction and pride to me. I used most of my leisure time in reviewing my studies. In the fall of this year I met with an accident, in being thrown froma horse, which resulted in no other injury than the fracture of one bone of the right fore arm, which practicaly threw me out of work for the coming winter, but improved my time in school, and {I} was able to make radical. I took up grammer, astronomy, and philosophy. Gramar was very easy for me, and I was soon at the head of the school in that study, but mathamatics was always somehting of a puzzel for me, and I onley suceeded by the closest application. I continued to work the summer, and attend school through the winter, till my 20{th} year. I now considered that I had acquired about all that I could get in the public school and seriously thought of going to seminary, or college, but I never got farther than a serious consideration of the possibilities in that direction. I found that I could not go forward without a serious inconvenience to the family, and that, I could not get the consent of my mind to do. In the fall of my 19{th} year I had taken a lease of 20 acres of heavy timbred land for 5 years, from which I had to remove the timber - {a}foot {in diameter} and under - for the use of it. While I recognized the fact that I had undertaken a hurculan job for a boy, I believed that I would be able to accomplish it, and went at it with a detirmination that I believed would carry me throgh.

The first winter I was able to clear, and inclose ten acres, and put it in cultivation the next summer, and raised a crop of tobacco and corn. Of course I had to have some kind of a team, and was able to buy a yoke of oxen, for which I redeemed when due out of the proceeds of my tobacco crop.

Besids the incouragement that I received from my mother, I was urged on by inordiante desire, and detirmanation to be my own boss, and have a business of my own. I beleived that evry man should have a business of some kind, that would provide the necesities of life. To me the idea of working for somebody, year in and year out was the gaul of bitterness to me, which I considered little better than abject slavery. I believed that there was a place, or opertunity provided for evry one that is born into the world, to do and to dare individualy for themselvs, and I was detirmined to fill my place if it was in the bounds of possibility. The acquiring of a yoke of oxen was onley an available means to an end. This kind of locomotion was entirly too slow for my ideas of "get there eli", and I was full of plan to acquire horses. I think that my ideals in this direction was just a little to high for my perminent advancement. I just couldent wait for them to come as they could, economicaly, but I must force them along. Having acquired the oxen, the next move was a wagon, and I got that it onley stimulated me to get the horses, which I did by trading the oxen for one, and buying another, going in debt for the wagon, and extra horse. My belief in my ability to pay for all that I bought, was to say the least of it rather extravigent. That I did pay for evrything that I bought stands to my credit, but I had a hard scuffle of it. Most of my indebtedness had to be met just before the war broke out, which was the hardest monitary collapse that the country ever saw.

If one could look just a little into the future, the human family would be saved from many hardships, and yet there are conditions that followin the wake of our mistakes that we would not change if we could, and I suppose that it is this that is responsible for the doctrine of "fatalism" or what is to be wil be inspite any effort on our part to change or controll our course in life.

I came up up to the middle of my 23{rd} year without any serious intentions in the direction. I will not deny that I had an abiding willingness in the direction of matrimony. I will not deny that I had an abiding willingness in that direction, but recognizing the responsibilities that married life would entail. I had been content to wait till I had acquired enough money, or property to mete them comfortably.

Sometimes unexpected events confront us in a way that our whole course of life, as laid out by us is changed, which hapened to me in a way that I could not resist the responsibility of going forward in the pathe that was suggested.

While in school a very warm attachment had sprung up between myself and one of the female schollars, which eventualy developed in to a bad case of, what is termed love. She was six years younger than I was, but she was developed beyond her age. We had fully agreed to marry when I should be able to provide a home for us. Her mother had been an invalid for several years, and we knew that she could not live, coincidently the two families had ample time to prepare for the inevitable. Her death occured in March of 1859. In passing I will say that Mrs Brown and my mother were fast friends. They were intimately in harmony in religious matters, and in fact in all relations of life. It was expected that the old man would marry again as soon as decency would permit. The oldest daughter Mary was to be married in a short time, and that would leave Nannie and a little girl in the home, and Mary was not willing for them to assume that responsibility, and insisted that we Marry when she did and remaine with the old gentleman till he should make some arraingements for the future. Mary was to marry a very rich man, and Nannie a very poor one, but most radical changes, financialy occured in after life.

On the 27{th} day of April 1859, a double wedding occured at the residence of Dannie H. Brown. On account of the recent death of the mother, the weding was a verry quiet affare, no one being present but the preacher, and his wife, and the member s of the two families. It was six oclock PM when the momentous event occured an event that entirely changed the trend of our lives, and started us four young people on a carear of matrimonial partnership, that while not conspicuous for great accomplishments as the world would call it, there was great change in conditions, and for us, places of residence. We were sometimes in at the floodtime of events and many times far out with the tide. B.P. Lewis died when he was about 60 years of age, and his wife Mary still survives, but is wholly dependent upon friends for support, and maintenance.

We onley made a mistake in that I was not financialy prepared for the responsibilities of a married life, and my wife was too young and inexperienced to assume maternal responcibilities, but having an intuitive disposition, she rapidly acquired what she should have know{n} beforehand. But I now think that it was alright anyway. Inspite of all of the visisituds, and disappointments we have both lived to a good old age, and that is more than most of our friends have done, who started with us on lifes fitful journey

Chapter I I

Marriage brings romance first, which is more or less intense, according to the temperment of the contracting parties, and its continuance, and endurance, is largely governed by the situation, and opertunities of the victimes. In our case our opertunities were very limited. There was no wedding tour for us, save a few dinners at the houses of relatives, in the immediate neighborhood, which consumed about a week, and then to business. We both had much to lern and we lerned it in the hardest way possible. I had a crop already in, and of course my immediate attention was needed, and as my wife (girl wife I should say) had to take charge of the home, and do the things that had been done by an older head. I took an inventory of my indebtedness, and the assets that I had to meet it, and found that the former was in excess of the possibilities of the latter, but I was young and full of optimism, and I took hold with a detrimination to winn out in the end. of course the inevitable happened, in a little over a year a boy was born unto us. That event was not expected so soon, but it did happen, and we had to accept and make the best of it. That would not have been so bad if the same thing had not happened again in a little over a year, when a little sister came to visit the brother, but as they were both very proper specimens of the human race, we concluded that it was about the proper thing to have one of each gender, we agsain accepted the responsibilities, and went forward in the line of duty. As before hinted this was the hardest year that this country had ever seen, but inspite of the financial straits of the country, I succeede{d} in getting out of debt, and laid up provisions for another year, so that I commenced the business of 1862 with bright prospects for the future. But I have learned several times, by bitter experience, that in this life one never knows what is before them. In life, as in nature, the day dawns bright, and balmy, but closes cold and stormy.

Factional mutterings between the north and the south had at last culminated in actual war, and by the first of July, much blood had been spild, and it was evident that there was more to come. The first proposition was that none but the younger men would be called upon to go to war, and I had not felt it to be my duty to enlist, but a raid into our river town, which destroyed much property, called for a new suming up of the situation, which resulted in the conclussion for us farmers to go ahead, and raise produce to be carried of{f} by the gorrilas, to support the southern army. It was argued and conceeded by evry one, that it was the duty of evry able bodied man to keep the war on southern soil.

The raid refered to was a band of gorrilas organized across the river in KY and led by one Adam Johnson. This band thogh insignificant in numbers, succeede{d} in surprising our river town, Newburgh, and besids carrying off much valuable property, captured a government hospital, and a lot of muskets, parolled the soldiers, and escaped across the river unharmed in any way. This raid had been planed by two citizens of the town who were running a sawmill in what was known as the Greenbriar hills, across the river, both of whom were killed by the citizens, one that evening, and the other the next day. This rade was worth a great deal to the government in recruiting new regiments for the army, under the calls of three hundred thousand more troops. The excitement caused by this rate was so great that more than the quoto for Ind{iana} and Ill{inois}was raised at once, and hurried across the river. Men with famalies now came forward, and offered their services. Some who were near the age limit for military duty were enlisted. I attended a meeting held near my home, not with any serious intention of enlisting, for I did not think that the inniatory step staht finally made me a soldier, which I fully realized the next day. The influence that urged me on was most substle, and overpowering, which evry one who has gone through with it fully understand.

Throgh its recruiting officers, the Government made very flattering offers to the recruits as to what privilegs would be granted in settling up ones business, and private affares, but in our case our immediate services were indispensable, but we would be allowed to return ion a short time, or as soon as we could subdue the armed forces across the river, which was still quite demonstrative, besids we were promised that the war would soon be over, as the new levy 300,000 when mustered in, would so discourage the rebels, that they would be willing to quit. We were assured that we would be at home in time to raise the next crop. While that clause that made our enlistment three years, or during the war, did not sound incouragingly, we construed that part of it as a kind of a scare crow, to be flaunted in the faces of the rebels. Suffice it to say that some never got home to fix up their business, and none under three months. As I have before stated, we were hurried into camp at Evansville and mustered as quickly as possible, and arms placed in our hands and in a few days we were hurried across the river, and in less than three weeks we were fighting the Gorrilas near Madisonville, some forty miles south of the Ohio river.

There are two obligations that men may take upon themselves, that are considered very binding: one is civil and very solemn, to which onley two parties are imenible, the other is heroic and considered very patriotic. The governemnt of ones country is the central figure, and has unlimited power to inforce its contracts, and demands. It is claimed, and it is true, that one owes alegiance to the government under which he lives, and it is suposed that that alegiance is paramount, to which all other alegiances are secondary. But where a man has marraied a loving wife, who has born for him of{f}springs, that he is in duty bound to suport and has obligations to family to care for. Take the two propositions now, and weigh them, as the soldier had to do, and say where the line of duty begins, and where it ends. I think that this was the tightes{t} proposition that I ever had to meet, and I will at this late date confess that I have never been able to decide that matter satisfactorialy as it relates to my own case, but will admit that I may be a little selfish in my conclussions.

To the man that makes up his mind to be a soldier from choice he is prepared to submit to the most streneous conditions, but to the man that goes out in the defense of his country, under stress of great National peril, he is quite prone to resent what he considers undue famaliarity with his personal priveleges. For instance, when the government insisted on striping us to the skin in order that some fop of a doctor might make a personal examination of evry part of our anatomy, we naturaly felt that we were being imposed upon, and we had no personal right that we could defend without orders from our superior officers. We did not as yet understand that it was our duty to obey orders, and ask no questions. Just think of John Doe, a respectable farmer, and unquestion{ed} athority on all import and questions that are paramount in a civilized community having to submit to the orders, and opinions of some young upstart, who had been luckey enough to be permitted to put on shoulderstraps, and command his superiors in age, and experience. When I realized that I was no longer J B Carter, farmer and a respectable citizen of the commonwealth of the state of Ind, I set about adjusting myself to the new environments, and made up my mind to make the best of evrything, and get all the good ou of the new situation that individual effort could command. I soon learned that as compared with the majority oif the men enlisted in the company, my ability, and qualifications were far above the average, and I concluded to take a noncommission, and get in line of promotion,and wait for opertunities to advance, and accordingly I was mustered in as 3{rd} duty sergeant, which kept me out of the rank and file of the company,and gave me a small degree of authority which in a short time increased beyon{d} my expectations.

Our first fighting experience occured, as I have before mentioned, about two weeks after our enlistment, when we made a forced march of more than forty miles into the interior, to a little town called Madisonville. It was now about the 20{th} of August, and of course very hot. We had not yet learned to acconimise in the matter of clothing equipment, and evry man was loaded with nonessentials.

This was the onley time that I had to march, and cary a gun, and 60 rounds of amunition, buckled onto my person, the old feeling of soreness, and exaustion apparently is present with me.

We did not know that we were playing soldier at the time, and that the officers were trying to glorify themselves as great commanders and I rather think that they did not realy realize the insignificance of the display that they were making. Our approch to the town was very slow, and exausting, and I may say very humiliating afterwards when we found how insignificant the opposing forces were, which were composed of a few hundred marauding gorrilas, who would fire upon our advance comum from an ambush, and hold it, and watch our command form a line of battle, and when it moved forward, the enimy would retreat, and attack in the same way at the first opertunity that a favorable position offered. Our command consisted of our regiment, 1,000 strong, a battalion of the 4{th} Ind{iana} cavelry, and a section of artillery. It will suffice to say that we finaly took the town, without any casualties on either side, and the onley trop{h}ies that we could claim was a few honery prisnors, which were paraded arou{n}d with great pomp and circumstance. The loss occasioned by this foolish display did not appeare with the taking of the town, inside of ten days, on behalf of the command was in the hospital, as a result of the heat and exaustion of our first march, and first battle. I do not remember just how long we remained in the town of Madisonville, not more than three weeks I think, during which time we were kept under arms, almost day and night, by the gorrilas firing upon our picket lines, many of whom were citizens and living in the town, but would slip through our lines at night, and get in their work, many times with serious effect. The enimy threatened our communication with our base a{t} Henderson to the extent that we were compelled to retreat. When the orders were given that on the following day we would march back to our base, there were some mild evidences that a panic might insue.

As an evidence of the insecurity felt by the men, I will relate a small incided that occured in my seargents divission of the company. A majority of our men were members of the church, and most of them mildly religious. Of course there would necessarily be a few cranks, who depended upon the lord to extrecate them from evry unpleasent condition or circumstance. About three of these fellows came into the tent, and requested me to let them hold a prayer meeting in our (Bell) tent. I asked them to explaine why they wanted to pray at that particular time, and they explained that inasmuch as we were compelled to retreat before a powerful enimy, the mercy and protection of the Lord should be invoked. I said to them that of course they could hold the meeting, but I wanted to remind them that if they got safely out of the present dilema, which I did not consider very serious, they would have to fight if necessary, and that the "Lord" would not protect them from any stray bulletts that the enimy might send after them. That if they had seettled these important matters with their maker, they had better go out to some private retreat, and do so at once, and then come back, and discharge their duties as soldiers. They held the meting, and some of them prayed long and loud for the necessary protection. I will say that to my certain knowledge, that some of these fellows limped out a discharge in a very short time, and one of them were dismissed from the hospital for stealing from sick soldiers, but they served their maker without ostentation.

The braking up of a camp under streneous circumstances, is always atended with more or less excitement, and loss. The soldier unloads all excess bagage, and military pharaphanalia, and prepares for vigerous, and quick marching. We were odered to stow away five days rations in our haversacks, which have a capacity for abou three, and when I say to you that an unexperienced soldier will consume his five days rations in two days it is putting the suggestion mildly, which was practcaly realized before we reached our base of suplies.

We had to march 44 miles, which we expected to do in two days but on account of the persisted interfearence of the third day, while we had but one contact with the enimy that would be a real fight, we had many delays, which was entirely precautionary. In the fight refered to quite a number of the soldiers in one company (H) were seriously wounded, and had to be left at a village nearby. After dark of the second day we arrived at the village of Cairo, 8 miles west from Henderson, foot sore, and discouraged. The five days rations had disappeared form the most of the haversacks, and the soldier that had a piece of meat, and a hardtac was considered a luckey boy. When a soldier is tired out from long marching and when he is ordered to go into camp, his first act is to sleep, and he usualy stacks his gun, and streches himself on the ground, and in an incredbly short time, he is obliveous to all of his surroundings.

My disposition was was always frugal, and I alowed nothing to get away from me that might contribute to my comfort. In passing through the abandoned camp I observed that much rations had been thrown on the ground, amoung which was a thin slab of bacon, about the size of a saddle flap, and it at once occured to me that it was a prety good thing to take care of, and I took it to the company wagon and dug down amoung the kettles and pans, and hid it. When we got to Cairo I looked around for something to eat, instead of going to sleep. I did not go far till I runup against the commissary sergant, who wanted something to eat. I informed him that I had secreted a good piece of bacon in our wagon, which I hoped that no one had discovered. He said that he thought he had a few crushed crackers in his wagon, that he would go and get, while I searched for my bacon. Well he found his crackers, and I secured my bacon, and in a short time we had a feast of hot coffee, crackers and bacon. I have found that the quickes{t} way to arrouse a tired, sleeping soldier, is the smell of hot coffee, and the frying of bacon, and in a short time we were surrounded by a hord of hungry soldiers, eagerly inquiring, "where we got it".

When we arrived at our old camp neare Henderson, we felt that we had pulled off a great military stunt, and were fully entitled to the name "soldiers". We now settled down to real camp life, which we improved by drilling the regiment, and preparing it for active service. I had picked up considerable knowledge for the military tactics while a member of the homegards, and was about the best drilled man in the company,and was at once assigned to the squad drill manuvers. Furloghs were now granted to a small number of the soldiers, first to the ones that could present the best argument for a preference. We had not been in camp but a few weeks till my company was assigned to provo duty, with hedquarters in town. At first the company was quartered in the courthouse, but afterwards in an abandoned brick residence near the court house, which we called "Johnson's castle". There were many fireplaces inthe old building, and we were made reasonably comfortable. It finaly came my turn to receive a furlogh, of about a week, to go home and fix up my little afares. I received the much covited oder late one evning, and as the time was short I felt I must improve evry hour. I therefore crossed the river, and marched home afoot. Some 30 miles, which I covered by four oclock the next morning. I think that it was the most dreary march that I ever made. The neighbors turned out and helped me to gather, and market my corn, and fix up other matters. I think I worked very hard evry hour of my stay, and my time was out all too soon. I will state here that my wife did not keep house while I was in the army, but lived with KY people, and those of her own side of the house. I got back to camp a little ahead of time, which I always did when granted a leave of absence.

In our new position we were made quite comfortable, but our duties were very exasuting. Besids guarding prisnors we had to guard the entire city, performing all of the duties that a police force usually perform. Many of our men were on duty continuously, and all evry other day, which included the night, with very little sleep.

The seargents were in command of all of the forces evry third day and during the 24 hours he was the most important official in town. He was not onley held responsible for the prisnors, which run all the way from 25 to a hundred. If any man escaped while he was on duty, he was reduced to the ranks, which occured once.

but the victim was reinstated after a time, but never got any higher. Our prisnors were gorrillas, and marauders, and when we increased the number to about an hundred, we transfered them to Sanduskey, and Collumbus Ohio. On account of the hard duty that we had to perform, the winter passed slowly, and we sometimes envied the other companies, who were in camp near the town. In the matter of escaping prisnors I will mention one incident, with which I was individualy concerned. It was well along in March 1863, and we had about 80 gorrillas, who were about the worst characters that we had ever guarded, and when I came on duty, I made up my mind to give them my personal attention, more than ever before. I visited the prison about 5 oclock and found the guards all in place, and apparently very watchful, but I found an expression on the faces of the prisnors that I did not like, and I called to the corporal of the guard, and cautioned him to watch closely till I returned. I ran across the street to my quarter, and secured my navy revolver, and ran back to the prison, throgh the center of which I cleared a passage, and ordered the prisoners not to approach me. I remained in this position till 2 oclock AM, when a corporal came on, whom I could trust. The balance of the night passed without incident. I had ordered the men all to lie down in their places, and the corporal kept them there till day light. I made my report and was quite pleased to turn over to my successor the same number of men that I had received, and retired to my bunk to sleep, from which I was awaked by the seargent that had succeeded me who informed me that I had lost a prisnor. In passing I will state that Hickam was quite jubilent over the fact as it then appeared that he was the onley seargent that had not lsot a prisnor. When the facts were looked into, it appeared that Seargent Colvin had received a prisnor just before turning over his command to me, and had not reported him to me on his report, which I made out for him. No one could tell how the man got away or find any possible way for his escape. Of course there was quite an uproar in camp. The Col (Foster) ordered myself, and guards, with captain to report at headquarters. The captain got into a quarrel over an old order, that we supposed was obsolete, and we were excused, and ordered to our quarters, which we lost no time in obeying, leaving the capt and the Col to fight it out, which they did with much harsh language, and without physical damage to to either, but this little incident was very mild indeed, compared to that which occured the next morning. I remember that it was a very rainey wet morning, and I slept beyond my usual time, but was awaked by my relyable corporal coming into my room. I could always tell when corporal Waldon had something of importance on his mind, and I onley waited for him to spit a few times, till I asked him what he had to communicate, which he answered by saying that Hickam had losed seven men last night. I got into my clothes as quickly as possible, and hurried to the courthouse where I found Hickam pacing on the outside, and to my hail as to the facts in the case, hew said that if he had had the money he would have been on his way to Canady. He declared that he had not slept a wink that night, but stood guard most of the time himself. We had never given Collins, who succeeded Hickman, credit for any agressive penitrating stunts, and expected of him nothing new in developing this mysterious escape, but he surprised us all when he rearranged conditions in the prison, so that he uncovered a hole in the floor, through which escape{e}s had made their way to the lower story, and then out at a back door, that fastened on the inside with a bolt, and this door was suposed to be kept bolted, no attention was paid to it. When the Col looked at the hole in the floor, he admitted that the hole was sufficient to fool the best of guards. The intention on the part of the prisnors was to all get away while I was on duty, but were prevented from carrying out their plan, fully as intended, by my personal vigilance. We were much pleased over being releaved from sevier criticism on the part of the Col as it appeared to us but when we were ordered to camp, and another company had taken our place, we felt that our commanding officer had not disclosed fully his opinion of us as guards, but we had been provo guards about long enough and that a change was not onley good for us, but absolutely necessary for our development as good agressive soldiers.

During the winter the famalies, and friends of the company visited us qite often, and brought with them much good food. During Christmas we were bountifully remembered. Most of the friends and family could reach us in a days journey, with a good horse or team. My wife came many times, and on one occassion went out into the country, and visitied with her uncles, and cousins, on her mother's side, but I could not accompany her, as the country was over run with gorrillas, in a small way, and of course they would not have neglected an opertunity to even up with us for having imprisoned some of their number.

With the opning of spring, there was evidence of much military activity on the part of the western army, which was demonstrated to us by vast flotilas of soldiers down the Ohio river. These men were to compose Grant's army, with which he captured forts Henry and Donalson, and about this time roomers were afloat as to what part we were to play in the great military dramma, in process of formation. We were finaly advised, officially that we were to be mounted, not as cavalry, but mounted infantry, but would be assigned to a cavalvery brigade. This order was received with much satisfaction. A large majority of our regiment was composed of farmer boys who had almost grown up on horseback. "Creter back" as the southerners put it. The captain sent me to draw a horse for each of us, with orders to select bay mares, and to be particular to select square trotters. The officers of the companies were to have first choice, and there was little difficulty in selecting just about what he wanted. The captain was well pleased with my selection, but of course was to get the choice of the two, and got the best of me in the matter of gate, in that his horse was a very mild trotter, while mine would make the most radical couboy wince. Suffice it to say that we were soon mounted, and required to acquire some military stunts in marching formation.

A soldier can never make any permanent calculation on what he might not do. I think that it was on sunday in the latter part of March. The Capt had ordered company inspection of our horses and equipments, and we were busy preparing for it, when an order came to us to be ready to march in an hour, but it was about two oclock befoe we were ready to mount. We were then informed that we were to make a forced march to Madisonville, forty four miles distant, and reinforce a company of our regiment stationed there, and that we must cover that distance by 8:30 PM. The horses being rested, as well as the men we left camp on the jump, but after the first ten miles had been passed we sobered down to a trot, and when we had put twenty miles behind us, we would have been better satisfied with a fast walk, but the capt with his easy trotter kept us moving somewhat faster. When we had measured off thrity miles the starch was all taken out of us, and we sat on our horses like stuffed toads, with our feet rattling in oiur stireps, and our horses were about as limp as we were. Still on, on we had to go. Occasionaly we would strike a rough peice of road, that compeled us to slow down to a walk, but when we had passed it to better roads, the capt would strike a trot again on his easygoing "criter". We could tell when the trot was coming long befoer it struck us and it was not onley painful but somewhat amusing to see the men prepare for the shock, by humping themselves in their saddles. To relieve themselves, many of the boys owuld spread their blankets in their saddles, which onley made the matter worse, after a time. It is needless to say that they never did that again on the march. We learned that a smothe surface, for long riding, is much the best. Well, we got there, not exactly on time, but within a half hour of it, and found the garrison profoundly sleeping, and then we were mad over the fact that we had been needlessly punished.

Some of the men had to be helped from their horses, and the best of us were hardly able to crawl to a place where we could lie down. It would have been a very lame fight that we would have put up if there has been a necesity for it. It required about three days for us to recuperate, and get ready for efficient duty. The scare all grew out of a few gorrillas passing through the country, which had the effect to scare the capt of the company out of the little wits that he had.

The company (H) was ordered back to Henderson, and I do not think that it was ever intrusted with any important position. Our comapny (E) remained and did post duty, and scouting untill about the middle of August. We were able to secure an abandoned house for our quarter, and stables for our horses, and on the whole were very comfortably situated for soldiers. The captain made me forage master, which with scouting kept me in the saddle nearley all of the time. We had a few small skirmishes, without casualties to our forces, but some damage to the enimy, with killed and wounded. The inhabitance were largely union, and we became quite intimate with them, Gen Shacklford's family resided here, whom we long remembered, and the family manifested a very warm feeling for us. I did much scouting and was favored by the capt with many important forras.

Sometime in June I was promoted to the position of orderly sergt., to take the place of the old one, who was reduced to the ranks. I had been recomended for the position of 2d lieutenant early in the spring, which the col of the regiment overuled in favor of another seargent. The new position was mine by right of my influence over the men, by reason of my constant care of their intrest. The real facts are that the capt always took me into confidence in regard to the management of the company, in making promotions he would consult me about the capabilities of aspirants.

About the time of my promotion, I was granted a furlogh to visit my home, in consiquence of the furlogh of my brother, who enlisted in the 1st Ind Cav in 1861, but I was admonished by the Col to return as soon as possible, as there would be movements of importance in a short time, and that my company would need me in preparing for them. Nothing of material importance occured until the latter part of June, when John Morgan made his celebrated rade into KY, which was finaly extended into Ind. and Ohio. The papers kept us advised as to his movements, and we expected that if he was not checked and turned back, we would be called on to joine our opposing forces. Military orders always come on the spur of the moment as ours did in this case, which occured about the 29{th} day of June.

While we were expecting that we might be called on to march, we supposed that we would be given time to make some preparation, in the way of rations, and some equipment. Emagin our disappointment, when in the afternoon we received orders to mount our horses, and march immediately to a town called Charlston on Greenriver, some forty miles distant -- fifty miles more properly -- we were not allowed time to prepare ration, more than we could pick up and put into our pockets --a few hardtac at most--nothing but our guns, horses and amunition were to go. In less than two hours we were off, and there was nothing slow about our going. We were advised that we would meet the Col, and the ballance of our regiment at Charlston. All night we marched, we had to cross a small river, which occassioned considerable delay. It was ten oclock before we reached our destination. Neither our horses had anything to eat since noon the day before, and there is not strength enough in the english language to tell how hungry and tired we were. We finaly got a bite to eat in some way. After a short rest I was ordered to report to the Col, who ordered me to take half dozzen men, and proceed to Bowles ferry, but to divide my men at a certain point, by sending two of them across the river and have them meet me at the ferry, and after ferrying them across, destroy the boat, but to destroy any kind of water craft that I might find upon the river. I think that it was 12 oclock when we reached our destination. Some twelve years before, as a boy, I had crossed here at this place, and possibly int eh same boat. My men on the other side of the river had not yet arrived. The men that were with me fell asleep at once, and I had not the heart to insist that they rather than myself, keep watch, and I had hard work to arrouse them when our comrads hailed us from t he opposite shore. When we had gotten them over our orders were to destroy the boat, but we had nothing to do it with, we failed to find even an ax at a house nearby, but the next morning we succeeded in scuttiling the boat, and turned it loose which we considered a very foolish thing to do, as the boat was too small to ferry an army across, and a small detachment would not hesitate to swim their horses, as the river is very narrow, but deep. Military orders sometimes appear to be very foolish and I pressume are in many cases under the light of subsiquent developments. For instance, the Col ordered me, that in the event that Morgan should appear at my point of observation, to fight him, and send a courier at once to him. The idea of eight ment fighting Morgan semed very absurd to me. The more sensible order would be to fire and skedadle to the rear. Two days after we had destroyd our boat, we received oders to cross the river at once and meet the command at Hartford, but how, our boat was gone. The captain had struck the river some eight miles above us where there was a small ferry boat, but instead of destroying it as we had done, bored holes in the bottom, and submerged it in a slough, which was easily raised and caulked, and made servicable, and he ordered me, if I had destroyed my boat to march up the river and cross it in his boat. When we arrived we found that the captasin's command had long since departed for Hartford, whom we followed as quickly as possible. When we arrived in Hartford we found that the entire command had gone onto Owensboro on the Ohio river, after having partaken of a sumptuous dinner, provided by the citizens who were nearly all union, of course. We had ridden all day without anything to eat, and of course were ravenously hungry, but found little to eat, the troups ahead of us having devowerd evrything but as few scraps, which we devowrd with becoming avidity, and systamatic relish. After giving our horses food, we mounted and followed the command which we overtook sometime after nightfall, in camp for the night. The entire command, like us, had broke camp so sudently, that no provission, was made for rations, and we had to depend on the people for food, which they gladly furnished.

We celebrated the 4{th} of July in the saddle, and while on the march we witnessed a very curious phenomony in the elements. The entire country was covered with a blue haze, that shut out the natural light of the sun. That orbe appearing like a ball of fire. My recolection is that there was not sufficient to make a shaddow. This condition causing much comment by the people all over the country, and many regarded it with much superstition. There were great military events transpiring, but we did not know it at that time.

We did not know that the battle of Gettysburge was being fought, and that Vicksburg had surrenderd. When we did get the news we were greatly rejoyced, and believed thast the war coould not last much longer.

We were ordered to march at 4 oclock, the next morning so that we could reach Owensboro for breckfast, where we were assured that we would find rations. We were not permitted to remain long at Owensboro. Boats were at the landing ready to take us up the river to Cincinnati, and on up the river if needed to intercept Morgan who was now well up in Ohio, but we did not get further than Louisville. News met us here that Morgan had been corraled, and we were not needed, and our boat turned about, and steamed for Henderson. When we got to Rockport Ind we were allowed to disembark, with our horses nad march overland throgh Warrick county, and disband for a few days, so that the boys could visit their homes. It was known by our officers that we would soon be attached to Burnsids East Tenn campaighn, and it would be a long time, if ever that we see home again. When I arrived at home I found that my brother-in-law, Frank Brown was a corpse in the old home, he having died on a transport near Vicksburgh. I think that we were permitted to stay home three or four days. At any rate the time was all too short to make us feel good.

Two days march landed us at our old camp at Madisonville, where we had left our camp equippage, in care of the sick and infirme who were greatly chagrined when they learned that we had been home. We were now in a fever of expectation, and dread, as I before said it was generally understood that we were sure to march.

By this time we had learned to pay little attention to camp rumors, we had to be shown before we would believe, anything as to marching, but the fact that our horses were being shoed, and other small preperations going on all of the time, indicated to us that there would be something doing. Members of the company that had been on detached duty in hospitals, and clerical work reported to the company for duty, but could give no reason for their sudent coming. Of course the officers were not telling it around that there was going to be a great movement in the direction of the enimies country.

I do not remember the exact date that we got our marching orders, but I think that it was the first days of Sept 1863. The order came as sudently as did the other. But this time we were to take evry man and all of our belongings. Our line of march was prety much the same that we had passed over int eh Morgan rade, and we were to go to Hartford, where the regiment would meet us and reorganize. The entire regiment had not been in the same camp for about 9 months, having been scattered over the southwestern part of KY, doing post duty. We marched liesuraly, knowing that we were nearer our rendezvous than most of the regiment, in which we were right, as we were the first arrivals. It was about a week before the ballance of the regiment reported. Company H, as usual, was the last one to show up. A part of the 4th Ind Cav was was still with us, also our section of artillary, maned by a detailo from our regt, and commanded by Lieut Hammond of our company E. An inefectual effort in the direction of re-equipment was attempted here, but we were finaly ordered to march to Glasco, where our brigade would be organized, and all equipped togather. The march to Glasco was accomplished on the morning of the second day, possibly the third day having lost my diary, I can not be specific as to time and dates. It was here that we had our first experience in any considerable military organization. Our brigade as organized consisted of the 65{th} mounted infantry, The 4{th} Ind Cav, The 14{th}Ill Cav, and the 8th Tenn Cav. In the organization of new commands there is always more or less confusion. Up to this time our soldiers had not attained to that efficient rediness that charactorized our armies later on in our war experience. We had made very little hedway in the direction of efficient military equipment, when we were ordered to march south throgh Cumberland county to the Cumberland river. The line of march was all the more interesting to me from the fact that it was the same road that we had traveled over, when we removed from KY to IND some 12 years before, and we would probably pass throgh some of the country where I had spent my boyhood, I would also pass the residence of my great grandfather, before mentioned in this record. Of course the grandfather was dead, but the old house remained. There had been so many changes that I did not recognize the place till we had arived at the "crick" where we had stoped to feed. While the command was watering I got permission to go back, and make a reconoissance, and find if any of my ancesters remained. A new long {log?} house had been built since I had seen the place, on the opposite side of the road. A man about 60 years of age was sitting on the porch, and arranged in front of him was a row of nice looking pies, evidently for sale. Answering my inquiry as to his peronality, he informed me he was the youngest son of grandfather Huggins. I then told him who I was, which failed to elicit any comment, and he did not even rise from his seat to greet me, nor did he offer me a pice of pie. I was not slow in discovering that my blue clothes were not the opning sesame to his benevolance, or his social favor, and hurriedly moved on. The captain quizzed me closely as to the experience with my kinfolk, but I did not indulge in any effusive declarations, as to the reception that I received. I had remaining a pretty good opinion of my nativity, and thought and thought taht it was a prety fair country to live in, but the hills seem to have grown higher and the vallies narrower. In fact it did not look like the country that my boyhood had known. I was foolish enough to let it be known that I woul dpass through the place of my nativity, and when we got into it, I was subject to much railry, and lafture from my comrads, some of whom declared jokingly, that it was no wonder that I looked so tough. We camped on the headwaters of Maoorbone creek to gather forage for our horses while we crossed the mountains (Cumberland) which delayed us about three days, but finally got underway, and crossed the Cumberland river at what was know as "Turners" warehouse, by forging the stream. We had crossed the road over which I, when a boy had traveled to mill evry week for several years, with a sack of corn on horseback. Having gotten safely over the river, we camped long enough to feed, and got a bite to eat. In passing through here I saw but one man I had evern known. We resumed our march through Carries Bend and on til late at night before we got to a place that was level enough for a camping ground. We were now in the fooothills of the Cumberland mountains, where there were no roads worthy of the name, and our pioneers were kept busy clearing the way so that our teams and artillary could move on. There was no other delay in our marching for two or three days. Till we came to a place in where we had to pass down into a valley of considerable extent, when we found that the road had been blockaded by feling trees across it.

Since I can't recall the name of this valley, I will designate it as "Batey", after Capt Baity, who controlled it, and kept the rebels from foraging in it. My recolection is that it was about three miles long, and from one to two miles wide. The soil was very fertile and the people quite prosperous, in their way. Evry man in it was a spldier for that particular part of the country, and obeyed the orders of the captain with military promptness. There was onley one passable road across the valley, and it was the captains orders that kept this road blockaded, to keep the rebels out. Morgan attempted to rade it in the earley part of the war. Bailey allowed Morgan to go in, and load up, but he did not allow him to take his forage out. Morgan was glad to get out with his command, and leave his forage. I do not think that any force ever tried to forrage the valley again. Our government did not recognize Baities forces as regular soldiers, but did not interfear with him in anyway. Our column was fired upon at one point by Baities men, but did no damage. I don't think that they intended to do so, but wanted us to know they were "tahr". Out of this valley we climbed to "Jimtown" which is situated on a level platue, on the summit of the Cumberland mountains. The town is a small village of about three hundred I judged (when everyone was at home.) The houses were all made of pine logs. The soil is a sandy loam and is very poor. It was here that we met the main army, mostly infantry, which had assended the mountain by the way of "Big crick Gap". We onley remained her long enough for the straglers to get in, when the entire army moved forward in the direction of Kingston, on the Tenn river. It was now down grade and we moved forward as rapidly as the mountain roads would permit. The second day we arrived at an old town called Scyola, which is situated in the foothills of the coumberland mountains. While on the summit we experienced sevier frost which occured on or about the 30{th} of Agust, which which was quit sevier in most of the northan and northwestern states. During the summer many of the men had provided themselve with linnin dusters, which on account of the hurried daparture they had not been able to replace with hevy winter clothing.

We were in a country where much dry fuel could be had, and we kept up good fires during the night, and were kept active enough to keep warm during the daytime.

At Scyola our brigade was detached from the main army, and ordered to make a forage march to Knoxville, and save a large amount of forage that was supposed to be stored there. We had some artillary and of course all were mounted, and we were able to make 20 miles per day, which was considered very good considering the roads over which we had to march. We encountered no enimy, and we thought it was strange that we did not do so, as we were well into what was known as the southern confederacy.

The second of September was a redletter day for us. About two oclock we assended a low range of hills, southwest of Knoxville, and as we neared the summit, we noticed that an officer sat on his horse and was talking to the soldiers as they came up, but as there semed to be no response, from them we were curious to know what it ment, but when we came up soon found out. Knoxville lay out before us in the valley below us, and bout two miles away and from the houses floated the stars a stripes. There must have been at least one fourth of the houses that had this glorious emblem floating over them. It was well that the officers cautioned us to refraine from any demonstration, otherwise there would certainly have been a wild roar of applause. We had come down here with arms in our hands, and our banners flying to fight our enimies, and before us in the bright sunlight floated before us the most wonderful display of the national banner that we had ever beheld. Our regiment being in the rear of the column that day, we were slow in getting into town. When the column halted we were in the suburbs, close to us was a neat little cottage with a nice flag waving over us. I asked the lady if they had prepared all those flags for our reception. She said no, we did not know of your coming till we saw your column coming over the ridge younder, and then we were not sure that it was the federals, but thought that it might be the rebels trying to fool us into making a demonstration, and then punish us for it. She said that the flags had been made during the campaign of 1860, and had been kept hid away.

She said that she did not know how the others had kept theirs, but she had hidden hers in the featherbed. This sudent display of flags must have been as great a surprise tot he rebel citizens as they were to us.

We were informed that they had missed the rebel soldiers since morning, but supposed that they were off on a scout, and would be back in their places at night. They had not left much in the way of army suplies for us. The sun was about an hour high when we entered the city, and the evning shaddows were soon upon us. We camped on the streets that night, and could see evrything that went on. Just after dark I noticed that a bright light had sudenly sprung up on the brow of a high ridge about two miles away, and I enquired of a citizen what it ment, and he informed me that it was the signell that you soldiers are here. He said for me to watch and I would see others, and I did, further and further away for a distance of thrity miles or more, and I found that the mountaineers had a code of lights to be displaded to denote the presence of either army. About 9 oclock the first delegation from the country arrived, and was kept up all night, and all of the next day, till the city was denseley crowded with citizens, and soldiers. They not onley came, but they brought the best that they had to eat with them, and we were feasted on evrything that good cooks could prepare, which was luckey for us, as we had very little in the way of rations. The union sentiment was so strong in East Tenn that the rebels did not dare to forage off of them to any great extent, and the country was full of the products of the soil. Little did these good people think that in six months they would be in destitute circumstancies, and many of them actualy begging for bread, and in many instances the soldiers were able to divide their scanty rations with the hungry citizen. The next day my company was sent to Mayrysville to capture some rebel comisaries, and while passing under a clift, saw a mans head sticking out of a hole in the rocks, who after viewing our column for a time till he could see our flage rased the yell, and tumbled out of the hole, followed by several others. These men were in hiding, and did not know of our presence in the country.

The foregoing instance was onley one of the many such all over East Tenn. Those who could not get across the mountains into KY, hid them in caves, and mountain gorges in the daytime, and bush whacked the rebels at night, when there was an opertunity afforded.

We remained in camp near Knoxville about ten days, as I recall it when the army moved up the valley towards Verginia, passing throgh Newmarket, and for a time stoping at Greenvill, but in a few days continued our march throgh Jonsborro, Blountville, and on to Bristol, a town of possibly 1500 inhabitance. The most prominent feature of this town was the fact that main street was the state line between Tenn & Verginia. About the onley thing we found here of value to us, was a large quantity of salt which was the most valuable commercial product in all that country, which the reader will admit, when I say that our boys as high as one dollar a pint for it. The people of the town were allowed to carry off all that they wanted. The salt belonged to the rebel government, and the people could get none of it. Leaving here we marched seven miles into the state of Ver, intending to go onto Abingdon, and distroy the great salt works there. In the afternoon we were ordered to go into camp, which we common soldiers construed as being a little significant, as there were no evidence that there was any formdable force in that part of the country. We noticed that the officers displayed a kind of uncertainty in their movements that indicated to us that there was something doing somewhere. In after years I became intimatly acquainted with a doctor Clark in Iowa, who informed me that we camped on his fathers far, which was a large southern plantation.

After nightfall, we received orders to march the next morning at an earley hour. But where? When the column formed, and faced to the rear we knew that there was something doing, either in our front or the direction of Knoxville, and from the rapid marching that was required of us we redily concluded that conditions in that
direction were a little strenuous. We marched all day and well into the night. The dust became so thick that we could scarcely see our file leaders. Horses and men suffered greatly.

After two days, and most of the nights we reached Knoxville, and went into camp for the night, but with orders to be ready to march at an earley hour the next morning. We were promptly in line, but remained so all day, till late in the evning, when a regular autumnal downpore set in, and then we marched, but made little headway, on account of the wagons, and artillary staulding in the mud. I do not think that we made over ten miles that night. The rain was cold, and we were soon soaked to the skinn. It was the most dreary march in all of my experience. The column was halted at 4 oclock and we were orderd to sleep till daylight, but not go from the horses. Most of the men lay down in the mud, over which they spread their oil blankets. The bugle sounded promptly on time, and we were given a short time to prepare, and eat our breckfast, when we again mounted and moved on, to Loudon on the Holton river, which we crossed on a pontoon bridge, and then on, on towards chattanooga, till we arrived at a place called "Sweetwater" where we went into camp, where we quietly remained for about ten days, hoping that we would be permitted to spend the winter there. This is a nice country, and the people, apparently well to do farmers, and the general conditions were quite attractive. As I remember it was now about the first of Nov, and winter would soon be upon us. We had been in the saddle almost continuously since the latter part of July, and we naturly concluded that we were entitled to a rest, but all of our calculations were sudently disipated, when we sudently received orders to march at once, and of course we marched, but it was backwards in the direction of Knoxville. Our forced march to this place was occasioned by the unfortunate results of the great, and unfortunate results of the great, and now historic battle of Chickamoga, and it was originaly intended that we should reinforce the army at Chattanooga, but we were too late, and were halted to await further orders. As usual with us this too seemed to be an emergency hurry call, as we were able to reach Knoxville the next afternoon, and went into camp for the night, but there was unmistakable indication that we would not remain in camp very long.

The next morning we were odered to prepare three days ratons, and ready to march, at any hour that day. There was no intimation as to the direction of our proposed march, but our captain, always a good guesser gave it as his opinion that we would again go up the valley towards Verginia. Just before dark the column was formed consisting of the entire mounted divission, under the command of our Col Foster, acting Brigidier general, and when it was quite dark marchsed out of the city, and up the river, to Strawberry plains and keeping on the left side of the river, to Blins crossroads, and on throgh Beans station, to Rogersville, where the column was halted, for a few hours, when it crossed the Holstine river, and after marching a few miles, the 65 regiment went into camp, forming a guard line around our wagon traine. This movement was supposed to be a secret one, and was intended to place us on the flank of the army that had followed us down to Morristown, where Gen Burnside proposed to meet it, and if possible distroy it. There was no doubt that we would be able to whip the rebel forces, but we wanted to capture and distroy it, hence our movement to get int eh rear of the rebel forces. But Col Foster for some reason onley threw one regiment, the 5{th} Ind Cav across the road, and when Gen Burnside routed the enimie, he was not slow in finding out that there was onley a thin line to oppose his retreat, quickly cut through it, and easily escaped. The fact The fact that Col Foster did not get his stars, led us to conclude that his failure to encumpass the enimy as planed, losted him his coveted promotion.

We followed the rebel forces to Blountsville, where we ingaged it with a sperited battle that lasted all the afternoon. The rebels had the posession of the town, and fought us from the streets, and buildings. Our artillary shelled the town, and finaly set it on fire, and the most of the business section burned up, but we could not afford to let the rebels do anything in that direction.

The rebels held a high range of hills on the right of the town from which they did us so much damage, that it became necessary to disloge them, which was assaulted by Capt Hornbrook with his Co H, who marched his company in solid column and lost many of his Co. In talking with Hornbrook 40 odd years afterwards, he lamented his ignorance of military tactics in making his assault.

He very feelingly declared that if he had thrown out a skirmish line instead of marching against a hidden foe, thereby saving some valuble men. When it was found that Hornbrook was in serious trouble my company was ordered to support him, which we did by marching several hundred yards in his front, and engaged the enimy, with the loss of one of our best young men (George White) who was shot throgh the brain, and died without a struggle. White was our first man to be killed in battle, and his death made a deep impression on the company. He was an onley child of a prominent citizen, who for many years was the onley republican in his township. When we routed the enimy from his vantage ground, we had command of the gap in the mountain, that led to the enemies fort on the railroad, some three miles from the town, and of course the enimyhad to retreat up the valley to Bristol, which they did with much disorder, which was acentuated by a Batalion of Cav who had been concealed in a woods near the town for the purpose of making a charge when the enimy had been routed. I remember that the sun was about an hour high, and from our elevation of several hundred feet we had a splendid view of the battlefield, and of the charging column, and could see our cav cutting down the rebels with their sabers. The charge was kept up till well after dark. We captured about 75 prisnors, who were turned over to our company, to remove to the rear some ten miles to Gen Burnsids headquarters. Our army did not follow the enimy any further, but after distroying the rebel fort, and much of the railroad track. We fell back leisurely towards Knoxville, and finaly halted at Morristown. This movement was made, as we afterwards knew, for the purpose of driving the enimy out of the state, and preparing for the seige of Knoxville, which soon followed.

By this time our horses were quite played out, and one half of the commands were without mounts. At Morristown we learned that the government was driving a herd of wild mules across the mountains with which we were to be suplied with mounts. Before we received our mules, it was apparent to even the private soldiers that our situation was becoming uncomfortbly accute. The rebel forces had got together, and had followed us, and were becoming quite personal in our rear.

When our mules arrived, our dismounted men were odered to carry their saddle equipments tot eh corral, and draw their mounts, which was obeyed with a promptness that indicated that they thought that they would need them. The old soldier invariably gets the best that is to be had, out of any situation, however critical. When all had drawn their mules, some fellow decided that the cerimony of braking should proceed in regular military style, and that the order of mounting should be carried out. The assembly was made in an old wheat field, where the ground was soft, one of the victems mounted a stump, and gave the order to mount, which most of them succeded in doing, but many of them faild to keep their seats, but went headlong to the ground, but htey did not stay there, but were up and on again, and kept at it till mr mule was subdued. The next morning we marched, and kept at it till the following morning. The boys found that they were not yet throgh with mr mule, we passed many of them out in the brush having a private intervue with their mules. When we come to fording the Holstine river, which is very swift, and the bottom is covered with boulders that puzels a sure footed horse to navigate safely mr mule could not be trusted, and had to be led, while the riders got across in canoes, and small boats. To ford any considerable number of troops across one of these mountain rivers is attended is so dificult that much tiem is required. Our old horses had forded so many of these strems that they were quite relyable, but the new mounts rendered our progress very slow, but I do not remember that there was any serious casualities. By noon all were over, and the column halted for a short time at Bean's station for a bite to eat. The place consisted of one large brick house which had been built for a kind of a country inn. It is situated about a mile from Clinch mountain, over which our line of march lay. The energy with which our officers semed to be inspired indicated to us that a considerable number of the enimie was neare by, and that our officers did not want to come in contact with them.

Having given our selves, and horses a bite to eat we mounted, and were soon climbing the mountain. The road up the mountain was an old one, having first been constructed by the earley emigrants from Verginia, and North Carolina. In many places the road had been hewn in the side of the clift, over presipices, and deep gorges hundreds of feet in depth, but the night was very dark, so that we could see very little of these conditions. The assent was attended with so many difficulties, and dangers, that our progress was very slow, and it was daylight before we reached the foothills on the other side, even then we did not find level ground enough to make any kind of a camp on. We stopped here long enough to get a bite for ourselvs and our mules, very little for our mules, and not much for ourselves. From this place we passed over a very mountaneous country, and on the third day, as I remember that we had to move on beyond the town, called Tazwell. This village was built upon the solid rocks. I did not think that enough soil could have been procured to make a respectable a garden. Why a town should have been built here was a puzler to us. I remember that we had to move on beyond the town to find level ground enough to make a camping place, and were we did finally stop, much of the camping grond was too steep, that if two soldiers laid down under one blanket, they would find themselves widely separated before morning. As yet we could onley guess at what we were here for, but old soldiers become good guessers. It was evident that some important moves were going on in the vallies, which we were not able to locate till we heard the canons roaring to the south of us, when we rightly guessed that knoxville was being beseiged. We were finaly ordered that evry man should keep a peck of meal on hands, which we construed to mean, that in the event that Burnsids army should be whipped, we wouold march throgh Cumberland gap, which the boys called a KY scout. Our soldiers were out foraging all the time, which we could do, as we were so well protected by the physical conditions of the country, that no considerable force could reach us, therefore we had little guard duty to perform, and as there was not enough level space for a parade ground we had no drill duties to perform. In fact the situation soon became monotonous. The whole country abounded in little water mills, and we had to go to these to get our peck of corn milled.

The little watermills, that were scattered all over this country, proved a great blessing to us, in grinding our "pecks" of corn. These little mills ground slowley but surely, but not very fine. I remember to have gone very earley one morning, and had to remain all day wihhout food, other than parched corn, and got my grist at sunset. The soldiers got off many jokes about theses little mills. One soldier charactorized them as being very busy little concerns. That just as soon as they got done with one grain,, they hopped right on another. Our camp was about seven miles from Cumberland gap which I had a great desire to view for myself. Most of the command had the same desire, but they said that they would wait til we pulled off the "KY scout". I was not so optomistc about that scout, and one sunday morning I got permission from the commanding officer to make a trip to it, but I could onley get one man to go with me. I have always been glad that I took advantage of the opertunity. For the grand gloomy, and peculiar it exceeds anything I have ever beheld. The posession of this gap had changed twice at least since the beginning of the war. The face of the mountain is several hundred feet high, and almost perpendicular, high up on the face of it is lodged a large canon, which was thrown over by the rebels to keep our forces from capturing it. Around the gap was strewn a number of canons, that had refused lodge. Along the face of the mountain is a level strip of farming land, that semed to be in a good state of cultivation.

All of this time we could hear the boom of canon at Knoxville, but got very little news as to how things were going down there. Just a week after my visit to the gap, on sunday morning, about daylight, there was an uncomon roar of artillary in the direction of Knoxville, which was kept up for over an hour, and then gradualy died away. We could not even guess what the result had been, but bets were made in favor, and agains both armies. We were left in suspence for 24 hours, when a dispatch reached us by the way of Louisville, giving us the news of Burnsids victory over Longstreet and with it an order to march, but where, not through the gap, certainley. As we had little preparations to make we were ready to go the next morning, and were off promptly in the direction of Knoxville. And the KY scout was no longer a possibility. The energy with which the march was conducted indicated to us that there would be something doing in a short time.

Our line of March lay throgh Tazwell, and along a part of the road over which we had marched when we entered the mountains, but finaly changed to a dirct course to Knoxville. We crossed the Clinch river, and on south to the town of Maynardsville, where we went into camp. The weather was butifull, and forage for our horses plenty, and we felt like we would like to stay there indefinitely. But those of us who were called to headquarters for duty, soon discovered that there was a degree of uncertainty about headquarters that indicated a feeling of insecurey. The old soldier learns to diagnose conditions with commendable acuracy, which was realize in this case with a suddenness that took us almost off our feet with a single bound. I remember that the day was balmy, and spring like, and evrything semed to be in repose. In the afternoon a seargent and seven men were called for from my company, and were ordered to patrol the road in the direction of Knoxville. While evrything appeared peacefull and serene, it was evident that our officers were aware of, to us unsene danger. When night came on we were ordered to make many camp fires, but shortly after this oder we were odered to get ready to march at any moment, and to move without making unnecessary noise. This kind of an order we had learned to obey implisitly. Self preservation, even with soldiers is a law of nature that is ever respected, and obeyed. By ten oclock the entire column was in motion, and going, and there was nothing slow about our going, and we did not need any vigerous command to do so. That our situation was dangerous was in the air, and we did not have to be told about it. All night we marched. About daylight we passed thourgh a deep gap in the mountains, in three miles of the ford across Clinch river. Our position was considered impregnable as agains any ordinary force, and our officers felt secure enough to halt, and get breckfast, while our wagon traine was fording the river. We had just drawn our rations of beef, which the men were preparing to cook, when a messinger informed us that our picket in the gap had been driven in, and were falling back on us. Officers and men now realized that our situation was grave, and further preparations for breckfast were abandoned, and the entire command ordered into line of battle.

Our command consisted of about 1,400 men, while joe Wheeler, it was claimed had about 4,000. All that saved us from defeat and capture was the narrowness of the valley. Wheeler could not use more men in his front than we had in ours. All day long we fought the enimy, graduly falling back towards the river. I was ordered to stay close to the battery, and report to the commander when it should fall back, but my oders were changed, and I was ordered to take charge of the horses of the regiment, and keep them safely in the rear of our line of battle, which I succeeded in doing, when the Qartermasterof the 5{th} Ind calv stampeded them by riding along a full gallup to the rear, declaring that the riders of those horses would never mount them again. I succeeded in controlling my own company and held them on that side of the river till night, when my company came in from the mountain side, and mounted them, and was able to cross the river dry shod, while the bal of the regiment had to wade the cold river stream wast deep. When I saw my tired boys fording that cold stream, I felt very proud of what I had done for them, especially when I heard the men in the other companies lamenting that they hadent officers that would look after their welfare in emergencies like this. It is possible that there might have been a different story to relate if we had not been reinforced by a battery planted on the north side of the river, which did effective work, as soon as the enimy came within its range. Late in the evening a regiment of six months Ind troops crossed the river and had some fighting with the enimy. Earley in the fight Wheeler made a calvery charge on our center, seeking to brake our line, which was anticipated and prevented by co A of my regiment being placed in ambush in some buildings on each side of the road. This company was armed with Henry rifles --sixteen shooters-- the charging battalion came up in splendid order, but the formation was distroyed when those shooters turned loose on it, and blocked the road with men and horses. The citizens told us the next day that the rebels said that the yanks had the damdest gunns that was ever made, that they stuck their guns through a crack of the fence, and turned a crank and there was no end to the stream of led that was hurled at their column.

The entire command crossed the river, and went into camp, but recrossed the river the next day and followed slowley the retreating enimy. The secret of the whole matter was that Longstreet was retreating up the valley, and wanted to clear his flank from attack by us, and Wheeler was ordered to do this. If he could have captured us, it would have been some compensation for the losses sustained at knoxville. Our side of the battle was well managed, and by officers that had had little experience in the management of battle lines. In this battle the rebels got the worst of it. I know that our losses were very small. We had several cases of cowardice in this fight, that proved very troublsom in after years when the victems applied for pensions.

We did not go back to Menardsville, but turned asside, and sought to get to powderspring gap, to "Beanstation", from which we had marched a few weeks before. the rebels had posession of this gap, and the narrow valley on the west side. Throgh the connivence of the first Lieut who was in command, I came very nearley being captured. My horse had been so baddly skinned in both shoulders, that I had walked much of the time to save her, which the Liut knew. There was a call for 75 men to make a rade across a low range of hills, into the gap, and hold it. The whole sceme was so impractical that the capt detailed to command the column refused to do so, saying that he would not lead the men into such a trap, but he would go with any other officer that was placed in command, which he did under the command of a Lieut of the 5{th} Cave. My Lieut Admire insisted that I should go, and when I remonstrated on the ground of the disability of my mount, he said that I could fall in with the column, and then fall out by the way. I laughed in his face, and said "you will then prefer charges against me". It was known that there would be a promotion soon, and I was in line the plum would come to me, unless I could be disposed of in some way, and Admire having a friend that he wished to fill the position, adopted this plan to get me out of the way, by capture, or otherwise. It is hard to think a soldier would do such a thing.

Of course I fell into line, and took up the line of march with the detail. Being the orderly seargent of the company I was not subject to detail, unless a majority of the company was included. We crossed the mountain over what had once been a road, but it had not been used for years, and had partially grown up with undergrowth so that it was dificult to get along, even on horseback. Just before reaching the valley, we found that we were in close proximity to a rebel camp, but as they had not videtts next to the mountain, we were able to pass around the camp unnoticed by them. When we reached the main road, we left a picket and moved on up the valley, but I was confused, and thought that we had moved down the valley. We passed on without molestation, but found on our return that we had passed a rebel picket, at a church where the road forked. Whether they knew of our presence, and kept quiet, in order that they might bage us later on, we of course could not tell. We moved on cautiously till we reached the gap, and after a short pause moved into it, which was as dark as it could be. A little way in there was a pile of rock, or mound, with a road on each side of it, and our files divided untill we had passed it, when we were halted in a loud voice that sounded like it had come from the clouds. The sentry fired his gunn, which sounded like a six pounder. there was no command given, the column simply about faced and got out of there as quietly as possible. Our horses semed to sents trouble, and of their own motion aboutfaced. when we had gotten some two hundred yards from the gap, a halt was called, and consultation had, which was that two videts were to be sent back into the gap to reconnortur, but realy to delay a pesuing squad till our column could get back to our pickets. Admire had the impudence to come back and ask me to be one of the men to be sacrifided. I came right out and told him what the object was, and said to him if he would furnish me with a godd mount I would go anywhere in the bounds of reason. He finaly selected two men with good horses, whom before going, I posted them so that they did not go into the gap, but waited out of sight for the column to move, which it did, and there was nothing slow about its going. At first my little mare fell behind, but warmed up to the work, so that I was quite up with the column when it reached our pickets, and turned up the mountain.

The two soldiers that was sent back, followed quickly, and being well mounted were on hands when we got to a safe position, but they found the rebel picket at the church, but was able to dodge them. The rebels sent a squad from the gap, and one from down the valey and met close to where we assended the mountain, and indulge ina