- Chapter 7 -

 War Between the States 

James S. Chrisman – E. L. Van Winkle – Captains Roberts, Saufley, Tuttle, Stephenson 

  Chapter VII 

The question of revision of the State Constitution had been considered for some time and by 1849, when a convention was called at Frankfort for that purpose, it became a contest between the pro-slavery and emancipation elements.
James Chrisman was chosen delegate from Wayne. He was thirty-one years of age at that time, handsome, brilliant, and an able lawyer. He ardently espoused the rights of the slave­holder. There were many slave owners in Wayne and many who felt that the institution of slavery was unsound, yet agreed that the slave owner had certain rights.
This was James Chrisman's position, yet he thought the question of slavery should not obscure all others in the convention. He felt that the older delegates to the convention had small patience with the opinions of the younger men and so expressed himself.
He was elected to represent his district in Congress at the next election and served from 1853-1855. By this time feeling between the pro-slavery element and the emancipationist's had reached the point where an explosion was inevitable. When a convention was called at Russellville, in 1861, to consider the secession of Kentucky, Wayne was one of sixty-five counties that responded by sending Mr. Chrisman as delegate. The convention went through the form of declaring Kentucky a member of the Southern Confederate States and Chrisman was placed on the executive council of the convention. This council divided the State of Kentucky into twelve Congressional districts. On a designated day an election was held in all counties within the lines of the Confederate army, and Chrisman was elected a member of the Congress of the Confederate States at Richmond.
There was great excitement in Wayne, as there was in the rest of the country. Everything was forgotten but the burning question of war.
There were hot-tempered Rebels, cooler Union men, and those who hoped to remain neutral.  A company had been recruited for the Southern army, and there were recruits for the Union.  Captain Tuttle's diary tells of the "parade of the blue cockades" and of the retaliation of the "Yanks."  Even the children were taking sides.  Company H was organized with Captain Shelby Coffey, First Lieutenant Lewis Coffey, First Sergeant Mike Saufley, a gallant, fearless young Confederate.
In the rolls of Confederate soldiers published by the State Adjutant is this note:

"Co. H. 6th Reg. Cav. known as Co. G.
The Old Roster calls this Co. ‘H’
The rolls on file are marked ‘B’
The correct letter is ‘H’

(Signed) M. C. Saufley, 1st Lieut."

 
Company G was partly organized in Wayne.  It was in the Battle of Fishing Creek. It was first commanded by Shelby Coffey, who died of wounds received in Clinton County.  It was reorganized at Burnsville, Mississippi, with N. B. Stone as captain.  It was in the Battle of Shiloh.  Captain Stone resigned and was succeeded by B. E. Roberts.  It was in the Battle of Murfreesboro.    The roster follows:

Capt. B. E. Roberts
1st Lieut. Lewis Coffey
2nd Lieut. Samuel Cowan
1st Sergeant Mike Saufley
Privates
John Coffey
James Coffey
Andrew Coffey
Seaborn Crutchfield
John Copenhaven
 James Conley
F. Cowan (M.D.)
Charles Conley
Martin Colyer
John Dawes
Constantine Durham
Henry Ferguson
Jesse Flinn
William Fritz
William Gresham
James E. Gramar
James Gabbert
 R. H. Philpott
Thomas Oatts
Thomas Sheppard
Robert Belshe
Green Gresham
Nat Gaither
Andrew Hays
William Hunter
Woods Hines
William Hutchens
James Hughes
Arch Hatchett
James Hardwick
Marshall Stone
James Carrigan
Curtis Hunt
Wesley Johnson
Alben S. Jones
Frisbie Mercer
James Pratt
John Silvers
T. J. Silvers
William Smith
Bryan Stone
John Wray
William Weaver
Samuel Blackwell
N. B. Johnson
Samuel Barnett
John R. Caldwell
William Grizzard

In 1863, Major James B. McCreary's Regiment, Eleventh Kentucky Cavalry, was camped for a time near Monticello. This organization was composed of some of the finest flower of Kentucky's young manhood, recruited from Madison and Wayne. Those on the rolls of Company F in this division, from Wayne, were:

James Cochran                        
Samuel Meeks                        
Silas Pearce 
Granville Troxell
 Ezekial Woolcott
 O. F. Wright

Major McCreary's diary gives the following account of Morgan's Cavalry in Wayne:

"On the morning of July 2, 1863, General John H. Morgan's division of cavalry, twenty-eight hundred strong, rose at the break of day.  A few miles apart, the two brigades com­posing the division had spent the night on the bank of the Cumberland River, in Wayne County, Kentucky. The stream was full from shore to shore, and great nests and piles of driftwood, interspersed with thousands of logs, floated by on their way to the ocean. A thrill of joy stirred every heart and quickened every fiber when the order came to these expatriated Kentuckians to turn their faces homeward.

"The Federals on the north side of the river, quieted by the tremendous currents that flowed in the stream, were less vigilant in their watch. When these hardy Kentuckians, these men of brave hearts, rode down to the edge of the stream, some unsaddled their horses, drove them into the swift currents and forced them to head their way for the other side. There was small opposition to prevent these newcomers from landing. The Federals were not sure where General Morgan's men would cross, and so, peacefully, unsuspectingly, they slept in their tents, trusting to luck and high water to hold back these daring invaders.

"The Eleventh Kentucky Cavalry was in the Second Brigade, then commanded by Adam R. Johnson, of the Tenth Kentucky Cavalry. James B. McCreary, then Major, was acting as Lieu­tenant Colonel of this regiment. The stream was half a mile wide. A small ferryboat and a few canoes constituted the means of transportation across the turbid stream. The ferryboat could at best carry a small portion of the soldiers, and a large majority of them, flinging their clothes into the ferryboat, hung onto the sides; others, holding their horses by the manes and tails to pre­vent being swept down by the swift tides, essayed to cross and overtake the horses that had passed on before in this perilous swim.

“As the first detachment of the second brigade reached the opposite bank, the Federal picket stationed on the north side undertook to resist the landing. Some of the Confederates who were in the ferryboat and in the canoes rushed into line, while those who were naked and had swum, despising the role of laggards and not stopping to dress, seized their muskets and their cartridge boxes and rushed at the foe. The strange sight of clothes less men engaged in combat paralyzed the enemy. They had never before seen soldiers go into conflict clothed only in nature's garb, and it seemed to them that warriors, fully grown and armed, were just born into the world and must have come down from some spirit land, weird and strange, to rush to combat.

"Among scenes like these began the thousand-mile march which constituted Morgan's Ohio raid ....

"The 11th Kentucky was a magnificent regiment. It had been recruited in Madison, Clark, Estill, and Wayne counties, and was filled with men of courage, ambition, patriotism, and loyalty to the Southern Cause ....

"On the thousand miles which marked this raid of General Morgan, through Kentucky to    Indiana and Ohio, his

(McCreary's) conduct as Colonel had elicited the admiration of General Morgan, who assigned him important duties ....

"Amongst the prisoners captured at Buffington's Island, was Colonel James B. McCreary, with a large number of officers, including General Duke, Commander of the first brigade. The prisoners were transferred down the Ohio River in steamboats, carried to Cincinnati, and then later transferred to the Columbus penitentiary ....

"Nine-tenths of all the officers of Morgan's men were from Kentucky. Their families were well to do and they supplied them an abundance of money which they spent freely. Some of the captives had managed to bribe their guards to get knives, which were case knives, and when well ground down they became formidable weapons; and among those who had gotten the knives was Colonel James B. McCreary.

"After General Morgan's escape the cells of all these prisoners were searched and Colonel McCreary was found in the possession of a knife. The demand was made that he should give the name of the person from whom he had received it, either by gift or by purchase. This the gallant young officer flatly refused to do, preferring any punishment to the betrayal of the man who had helped him in his extremity. It was in the midst of winter and the Ohio penitentiary in those days not altogether comfortable, was cold and dreary. The officer urged Colonel McCreary to surrender this name, and he promised him, if he should do so, that he would escape punishment. Firmly and flatly the Confederate refused to divulge the name of the giver of the knife.  He was told that if he persisted in this course that he must suffer solitary confinement in an underground dungeon, fitted up for the most hardened criminals.  To all this he responded:  'You may kill me if you will, but I shall not betray the man who gave me the knife.'  Under guard, and in the roughest manner, he was hurried away to the dungeon, with­out fire, without any convenience or comfort—no bed, no cot, no blanket. There in darkness and stillness in these awful surroundings he awaited the orderings of what seemed to him to be a slow living death .. . . "

Captain Bolin E. Roberts' company of gallant Confederates from Wayne had joined Morgan at Lexington where there was great excitement.  Wolford, with his Union men, including some from Wayne, was also there.  The Confederates seemed in dire danger of losing their all-too-meager supply of arms.

Captain Roberts' gallantry had earned for him the confidence of General Morgan, and Winston Coleman, in his little volume, Lexington during the Civil War, tells of Roberts being the leader of a group selected to slip out of Lexington at night with the guns in two wagons loaded with hay.

Captain Roberts and others of the Wayne Countians were captured and taken to Camp Chase, and his account of their experience is interesting as it corroborates Major McCreary's in every detail.
 

PRISON LIFE IN THE PENITENTIARY AT COLUMBUS, OHIO, IN 1863-4

Written for the Signal by B. E. Roberts, Captain Company H, 6th Kentucky Cavalry, Morgan's Brigade, C. S. A.

Tuesday evening, the 23rd of February, was set apart for the strike for liberty.  The second range men when brought in from dinner, instead of being turned loose in the hall as had been the custom, and as we expected, were returned to and locked in their cells, after which the third range was taken out, but when brought back were treated in like manner, so our plan was "nipped," and instead of us having them in the cells they had us, as usual.  We at once suspected we had been betrayed in the "house of our friends," but could only "wait and watch."  We were not kept long in suspense, for Scottie, Dean & Co. came blustering in and began at the beginning.  Without a word of explanation they unlocked the cells as they came to them.  Standing the occupant of each, one at a time, out in front of the cell on the balcony, they "went through him to the bone."   Some searched the man while others searched the cell.

The grand object of the search was soon discovered to be the contraband articles we had received through the air chamber from our friend over the way.  The first one found was handed to our pious old Brother Dean, who, holding it up in his hand, remarked:  "It is a good thing to stick a sheep with."  Brother Dean charged the "sheep-sticker" in a book he had brought in for the purpose to the cell where found, and the one occupied by Captain Thos. H. Shanks.  I had two of the "sticker" family in bed with me at the time besides an old horseshoe rasp—all in my little straw bed—and of course I counted myself as "gone up the spout" for once, but when my turn came I was subjected as the rest to a close examination.  About the first pass the fellow made at the bed, he brought out the old rasp, but failed to find the "stickers."  Finding nothing contraband on my person they hustled me back into my cell and, locking me in, passed on to my next door neighbor, Captain W. Brent Perkins, charging a "rasp" against cell No. 9.  Perkins occupied cell No. 10 and with him they found an old case knife he had had for butter spreading purposes in camp, and it had passed muster in and out of prison over at Johnson's Island and at this prison when we came here first in August last.  They took it away from him and Brother Dean charged it in his book against him, although it was further off than a third cousin to the "sticker" family.  After all had been searched, knives of the "sheep-sticker" pattern were found with Captains Ed. Rochester, Thos. H. Shanks, Ralph Sheldon, Sam Taylor, and Ben S. Barton, Major Wm. Bullitt, Colonel J. B. McCreary, and Lieutenant John B. Cole, making eight out of twenty-eight we had, while Captain Perkins was charged with the case knife and Captain B. E. Roberts with a "rasp."

In a short time after the search was over the names of all these parties except Capt. Roberts were called by Dean from his little book from below, and, as called, the cells they were in were unlocked and the occupants marched down and out to the "Hole."  The stillness of death reigned throughout those gloomy cells, halls, and corridors, broken only by the clanking of the heavy bolts in the locks, the receding foot-falls of our friends and the ox-like "tramp, tramp" of the guards and jailers.  The monotonous sounds of their retreating footsteps having died away, Captain Bob Logan broke the stillness by calling out from his cell in the 2d range:   "Did they take Roberts?"    I told Robert, or Capt. Logan, to curb his curiosity or anxiety for a while, as such an inquiry before such a tribunal would be taken as prima facie evidence of guilt and they would come back and take me, and I had no desire to explore that dark abode; and yet, if being in possession of the knives constituted the guilt, I was certainly the guiltiest man in the house, as I had two of them in "my little bed," and the twenty-six which had been given out came in through my cell, and had all passed through my hands.

Poor Capt. Perkins was in a low state of health and was wholly innocent of any hand or part in the plot, not that he was not brave enough and true enough, for he was all this and more too. We had refrained only from mentioning the matter to him lest in his delicate state of health the excitement naturally arising from such a desperate venture would work to his injury. Had we had the least idea that any confession we could have made would have saved him we would have gladly done so, but our whole experience taught us the lesson that we would have only involved ourselves without saving him. He was doomed to the sacrifice— to remain just as long as his weak and enervated system could indure the torture.

We were kept in our cells all the time now with an abatement of all our former privileges, which though scanty and seemingly very niggardly, we could the more fully understand and appreciate when taken from us. We felt we were harshly dealt with. We could have behaved better perhaps, in any other sort of a prison, and when we consider our own rudeness and our stubborn refractory dispositions we cannot of right complain much.

On Thursday, the 25th, Capt. Combs and Lieut. Jos. Crockston, or Croxton, were taken out from among us. We could only conjecture as to "why," and "wherefore," and all felt uneasy and troubled for their fate. Soon after, and while we were speculating in our minds as to the fate of these men, Capt. Merian and all his force came in. Our cell doors were unbolted and we were invited out and down into the hall where we were ordered to fall in marching order, prison regulation, single file, and were conducted out and around somewhat in the same way, partly along the same route we had at first been brought into the quarters we were now leaving. And as we had been ordered to take up our baggage, grip-sacks, etc., we did not know but they were going to either send us away on exchange, or to some other prison where we would come under the regulations of the military department exclusively. But we had not gone far before we turned into a low, dirty corridor which led us into a dirty, ill-ventilated hall along a range of cells, and in what was denominated the "Old Block" of the prison. This block and these cells had long been occupied by the Negro convicts.

The cells were very much smaller than those we had left in the "New Block" and taking them all in all it would hardly have been possible for them to have found a place on the Globe more loathsome and filthy. The odor rising up from the dirty, greasy, slimy cells, a noxious, poisonous vapor which stunk in your nostrils, was formed from a stinking compound of scents composed of Nigger, chinches and the accumulated filth of a long period of years. The poor Niggers had been moved out to make room for us—the filth and the chinches remained to cheer and comfort us; the latter, like the Devils of the olden time, might with propriety be named "Legion," for indeed they were many, fat and well fed. They had grown up like calves of the stall on the blood of the luckless Negro. Well, we had risked all and lost. Our jailors "dropped on to our little racket" just in time, and we could but expect hard usage; but it seemed we were to enjoy just a little more than we contracted for.

On the 26th Colonel McCreary was the first to be brought in from the "Hole," having reached, in the cold calculating judgment of Captain Merian, next to his last "inch" of life; feeble, enervated, relaxed, he could scarcely walk or stand alone. The day following, poor Perkins, with Captains Shanks and Rochester were brought in with every evidence of the most intense suffering written in step, in face, and in eye. These were followed the next day, the 28th, by Major Bullitt and Captains Sheldon and Taylor. They came tottering and staggering in like drunken men, or men trying to walk on stilts. The last installment, Captain Barton and Lieutenant Cole, were brought out on the 29th, having been confined some two hundred and fifty consecutive hours, longer than any one else of our party had been or perhaps could have been confined. Their eyes, bloodshot and swollen, looked like they would burst from their sockets. The blood had burst from under the finger nails of Barton. There could not have been more than "seven-eighths of an inch" of their lives left in their bodies when removed from the "Death Trap."

We were inclosed in this small ill-ventilated hall, and so full of offensive odors that they thought no doubt 'twould be impossible for us, while we remained here, to compose our minds sufficiently to plot any more escapes; and in the shady nooks of this ambrosial hall, we were graciously permitted to luxuriate some two or three hours each day, and while it was bad, it was better than our cells and we made what we could of it. When loose and together in the hall we could talk, play games—checkers, chess, and some played cards, and, our unfortunate friends last from the "Hole" getting up and onto their feet again, we settled down as best we could into a quiet, HAPPY family.

 
Major McCreary's diary during this period speaks of meeting "the lovely Juan Phillips at Mrs. Hall's." He named his camp "Camp Juan" for her. He also tells of driving the Yankees back from the home of Juan, "the house, where, in pleasing dalliance I had spent many happy hours and where I had reason to believe those who liked me lived, became the rampart, behind which those seeking my life fight."
He tells of taking tea with Miss Emma C. (Coffey) on her birthday.
Again: "This rainy day was spent with fair Juan. Ah! How unlike the day is her sunny face and sparkling eyes. The hours flew by on angel's wings and on the morning of the 30th {May 1863}, sad yet happy I tore myself from these endearing scenes, it may be forever, and again sought the rugged scenes of the forest bivouac."
Many times has the story been told of how the two Oldhams were saved by Miss Juan Phillips. Jonathan Truman Dorris in his recent book Old Cane Springs tells the story again as given to him by Milton Elliott, her son:
"Micajah Phillips, a prominent and well-to-do citizen, lived at Monticello, Ky.  His home was hospitable and the officers of both Union and Confederate armies frequently visited him. When the Oldhams {Othniel and Thomas, Confederate soldiers}, who had been guests of Mr. Phillips, determined to return to Madison County, they notified Miss Juan Phillips, the daughter of their host, of their intention and indicated that if caught they would say they were cattle buyers. If this story did not effect their release, they wanted her to know exactly why they were going and it was because of illness in their family.
"They were captured shortly after leaving Monticello. Soon thereafter two Union officers, a colonel and a lieutenant, came to the Phillips' home where Miss Juan overheard the lieutenant say, 'Colonel, what will be done with those two men?' The colonel replied: 'They seem like fine men but they were caught within our lines without a pass and will probably be shot as spies.'
"Miss Phillips said: 'Pardon me, Colonel, but were those men Othniel and Thomas Oldham? I know they are not spies. They are gentlemen and if you permit them to be executed you will have innocent blood on your hands.'
"The Colonel sent a courier to have the execution delayed until further investigation."
On January 19, 1862, the Battle of Mill Springs, or Fishing Creek, was fought, bringing gloom to the Confederates. General Zollicoffer was killed in the battle and a monument marks the spot where he fell.  During the period preceding the battle. General Zollicoffer had his headquarters at the Metcalfe home, where a table is still shown as one he used in writing. Company G, 6th Kentucky Cavalry, partly recruited in Wayne County, took part in this battle. The Brown home at Mill Springs still shows a door through which a cannon ball passed.

A History of the Confederacy gives this account of the battle: "General Zollicoffer's command was transferred to Monticello early in 1862, placing him in closer touch with General Johnson and for the better protection of the right flank. His force was increased by Major Crittenden's division. The Cumberland River had been made navigable by winter rains.    A serious disaster occurred on General Johnson's right flank in the defeat of General Crittenden at Fishing Creek in Pulaski County on the 19th of January, 1862.
"Mill Springs is a hamlet in Wayne County on the south side of the Cumberland, just above Fishing Creek. On the 17th General Crittenden was occupying Mill Springs. Across the river at Beech Grove were several battalions.  General Thomas was at Somerset and there were five regiments at Columbia. Having learned that the Columbia force was camped at Logan's Cross Roads and was attempting to join the Somerset force, and that this would be retarded by the high stage of the water, Crittenden determined to attack before this junction could be effected.

"Generals Zollicoffer and Carroll marched northward hoping to surprise the Federal soldiers, but this was not effected. Rain was falling and the morning was so dark that Zollicoffer, mistaking a Federal regiment for one of his own, rode into it and was killed as General Crittenden said 'within bayonet reach' by a pistol shot of a Federal officer."
April 29, 1863, a detachment of Morgan's Cavalry was camped at Monticello when General Carter, with Wolford's 1st Kentucky Cavalry and the 7th Ohio, came upon them and after heavy skirmishing drove them out of town. On May 11 there was a brisk engagement at "The Narrows," in Horseshoe Bend of the Cumberland River, between 480 of Colonel Jacob's 9th Kentucky Cavalry and 800 of General Morgan's Confederate Cavalry. The former were successful at first but finally had to fall back across Greasy Creek. Federal loss in killed, wounded, and missing after this engagement was 42, while Confederate loss amounted to 32, according to General Duke's report.
On June 9th there was again heavy skirmishing along an eight mile line near Monticello, and General Pegram's Confederates retreated before General Carter.
There was skirmishing at different times in and around Monticello and sickness and death in the camp. The rolls show John Benton died March 25, 1863, at Monticello, of brain fever. Cabell Chenault died at Monticello. John Spiller, a private, died at the home of Micajah Phillips.
But the devastating lawlessness that beset Kentucky from guerrilla raids caused the greatest bloodshed in Wayne.
Champ Ferguson and his band of "bushwhackers" kept the people of Wayne terrorized throughout the war. They would bring their victims into the town of Monticello, riding in at break­neck speed, cursing, shouting, and shooting.
Early morning was the favorite time for entry. A cry, "Ferguson's coming" would send women and children into cellars to cower and tremble in the dark for hours.
One morning, early, a messenger galloped in yelling for the citizens to close windows and shutters, pull down shades, remain indoors, and under no circumstances see what was being done, or attempt to take any part in it. The order was obeyed, but a curious woman peeped and saw the three Bostons tied on horses that were urged forward by the band, shooting as they came. They led them into the middle of the square in front of the old courthouse. There the victims fell and lay throughout the day, dead and dying, no one daring to go to them.
There was no feeling of security, as the mothers put their children to bed at night. Stock was all taken. Crops were scant and food was very scarce. There was no flour; cornbread sufficed. There was no coffee, a substitute of parched wheat being used. Molasses took the place of sugar, except in rare instances. The land swarmed with robbers, cutthroats, thieves, and malefactors of every kind, a motley horde—guerrillas who, under reckless and ruthless outlaws, brought Kentucky to such a pass that Lincoln put the whole state under martial law in 1864, adding to the confusion and despair of the citizens.
General Burbridge ordered that all persons enlisted in the Confederate Army, who were found in parts of Kentucky in possession of Union forces, be treated as spies and punished according to usages of war.
This order caused untold suffering by execution of innocent men, and Burbridge, who was stationed at Danville at this time, was thoroughly despised. He must have felt this for he left Kentucky at the conclusion of the war and never returned.
Though Wayne was almost completely Southern in sentiment and action, the county furnished some distinguished Union men, notably Captain John W. Tuttle, a brave and gallant officer. He enlisted in Company H, Third Kentucky Infantry, U. S. A., as First Lieutenant (Captains Henry Taylor and William Hudson) was promoted, himself, to Captain, with First Lieutenants James M. Bristow and Harrison Carter; Second Lieutenant William Bramlette; Sergeants Calvin Jeffries, James Francis, Richard Bristow, John C. Jarvis, Charles Carter, Alfred Wright, Michael Buster; Corporals Josephus Wood, John H. Petty, Samuel Hull, Martin Richardson, Allen Smith, John Warren, George Pults, John White, Joseph Griffin, Charles Kearns; Teamster George Warren. Captain Tuttle sustained a serious wound which caused lameness that he kept through life. John W. Tuttle was a man unusually gifted. He was a good lawyer and mathematician. He was an artist and had superior literary abilities. He was both historian and antiquarian.
Captain Tuttle kept a diary from 1861-1867, covering his service in the Union Army. He belonged to a family with many branches of distinguished ancestors.

Captain John W. Tuttle was born in 1838, in Wayne County and died there in 1927. He was the son of William Henry Tuttle, born in Litchfield, Connecticut, in 1808, classmate of Henry Ward Beecher and Harriet Beecher Stowe. He married Courtney Metcalfe, daughter of John Metcalfe and Frances Nor­ton Baylor. They lived at Mill Springs where he operated the old mill. William Henry Tuttle was son of Jason Tuttle of Litchfield, Connecticut, a Revolutionary soldier who was son of Jabez Tuttle also a Revolutionary soldier. Frances Norton Baylor was daughter of Walker Baylor and Jane Bledsoe. Walker Baylor was son of Colonel John Baylor, Revolutionary soldier, and Frances Walker. The Bledsoes were with the Long Hunters, 1770-72.
Captain Tuttle married Miss Mollie Milton of Oldham County.
The following are some extracts from Captain Turtle's Diary, 1860-1865:

EXTRACTS FROM DIARY OF CAPTAIN

JOHN W. TUTTLE

 
Thursday, August 2, 1860:  Dr. J. B. S. Frisbie, W. A. Haskins and myself were sitting in the porch when all at once a meteor of the most intensely brilliant character arose in the S. E., rising in its course at an angle of about 20 degrees, and moved with an apparently slow motion towards the N. W.  Its light was of a peculiarly white character more brilliant perhaps than that of the sun. It completely blinded, for a moment, all who beheld it.
After the meteor had disappeared I walked down town to learn the sentiments of the people generally with respect to the strange visitor. The matter was being discussed freely and many opinions expressed with regard to it.  The savants differing among themselves displayed a depth of research into the hidden mysteries of physical science truly astounding. Illustrious examples shining forth from the page of history should have taught them the folly of attempting to tamper with the staid orthodoxy of the common mind to popular opinion. The theory finding favor with the greater number was that the "last day" of the existence of this little ball of dirt had most certainly arrived.
Some minutes after the disappearance of the meteor a sound, deep and unnatural, not unlike the rumbling of heavy thunder, in the distance, when near the earth but partaking of the roaring nature more like the roaring of a whirlwind. The sound continued for several minutes and gradually died away greatly to the relief of those regarding the sound as the herald of an earth quake or judgment day.
Monday, August 6, 1860:  I am this day 23 years of age. Was elected Lt. Col. of the Ky. Militia for Wayne County ....
August 23: John T. Sanders and Eliza Frisbie married.  Waiters: Miss Mary E. Hardin, G. C. Haden; Miss Joan Phillips, Joshua Berry; Fannie Coffey and George Noland.  Took charge of J. S. Frisbie's school while he attended his sister's wedding. They left for Mammoth Cave.

Tuesday, August 21, 1860: We had a fine rain this morning for the first time in several weeks.

Started to Squire Powers' about 8 o'clock. I was overtaken by a very hard rain but having an umbrella and shawl I managed to keep tolerably dry.

When I reached the residence of David Powers, Esq. the trial of Privett had just commenced. Thomas Pile, Esq. my man of June 20th was the associate justice. I regarded his connection with the case as the most ominous feature in it but as it happened I got along with him very smoothly. Two or three witnesses for the Commonwealth had given in their testimony when I arrived. I immediately entered into the case. At the close of the proof I arose and addressed the court for about 20 minutes and submitted the case.

After brief consultation their Honors acquitted my client. When they announced their determination in the cause, I ex­claimed with apparently earnest enthusiasm, "And a most righteous judgment, too, your Honors have rendered," though as well satisfied of his guilt as of my own existence.

Thursday, October 6, 1860: Assisted in raising framework of new church.

Monday, November 12, 1860: Spent the morning reading law. Received letters from J. M. Saufley and John A. Middleton, both of Louisville.  Devoted the greater part of the evening to reading the news. Considerable excitement prevails on account of the threatened secession of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Florida.
Monday, December 17, 1860: Accompanied Miss Sallie home this morning. The trip was a highly interesting and agree­able one to me. On the way agreed to exchange a miniature of hers which I had had in my possession for about two years, for one she had taken last summer. As there was no fire in the parlor we went into the family room. As Mrs. Coffey was present I felt sorely perplexed as to how the exchange of miniatures could be effected without her knowledge. At length, recollecting having loaned Miss Sallie Irving's Sketch Book I asked her if she had finished reading it. She said she had and went into the parlor to get it.    I followed and made the exchange of miniatures.    I cared nothing for the book then but in order to keep up appearances brought it home.
Saturday, December 29, 1860: This morning Gen. B. F. Coffey and Dr. J. W. Bell paraded the streets with blue cockades on their hats, the badge of secession. C. W. Buster, Pa, and I, held a consultation for the purpose of devising some appropriate rebuke and finally concluded to get a few bolts of blue ribbon and have cockades fastened to the hats of about a dozen negroes. This plan was forthwith put into execution. The negroes were caused to march through the streets several times. The General and Doctor were highly incensed at having their cockade wearing burlesqued. Their discomfiture however was in no wise calculated to detract from the enjoyment of the ludicrous spectacle by the crowds who thronged the streets and doors and windows to witness it
Friday, January 11, 1861: Received a letter from M. B. Perkins requesting me to raise a company of State Guards in this county. Received by mail notice of secession conventions having organized in Ala., Fla., Miss., also of the assembling of two Union Conventions at Louisville of the supporters of Bell and Everett and of Douglas and Johnson. The Louisville Journal, received by today's mail, is out in a leader proposing the temporary erection of a central Confederacy in case it should be impossible to maintain the Union entire as it has heretofore been.
 Wednesday, January 16, 1861: Read the Dutch Republic as much as I was permitted during the morning. My partner, James S. Hardin, returned about noon. Says it is rumored that the Star of the West was fired into off Charleston by the Secessionists.
February 28, 1861: Played euchre for homemade sugar nearly all day.   Won 14 pounds.
March 30, 1861:   Dr. E. Richardson returned from N. Y.
Sunday, June 16, 1861: A report was in circulation today that about 20 Secessionists intended to arm themselves and compel Mr. Hardin, in his speech tomorrow at Mill Springs, to answer the questions propounded to him by Jack Garth and Ike Sheppard yesterday.    Considerable bustle among our boys on this account. They were determined to defend Mr. Hardin against them.
Monday, June 17, 1861: Went with 15 or 20 to Parmleysville where I was gladdened by sight of the Star Spangled Banner floating on the breeze. Hon. S. Williams, Secessionist, and Hon. E. L. Van Winkle, Unionist, spoke. I could not rid myself of the idea that those whose views do not coincide with mine on the great question are either fools or traitors.
Tuesday, June 18, 1861: J. A. Stephenson, G. K. Noland, N. D. Ingram, and I went to Josh Berry's and stayed all night. We held a meeting and unanimously adopted the following preamble and resolutions:
"Whereas our beloved County of Wayne is and for some time past has been infested with an unconstitutional number of juvenile ministers of the Gospel with lustrous eyes and shining locks who are waging war upon our dearest interests by endeavoring to persuade our sweethearts that none but Divines are worthy of them; therefore Resolved: that we the much injured and too little appreciated 'bohoys' of the proud County of Wayne do ordain and declare that we will submit no longer to these grievances 'already too long endured' to which end we hereby warn all unmarried ministers of the Gospel (not too old to muster) who may now be or hereafter come within the limits of this County to depart immediately.
"Upon motion of Brother Tuttle be it further Resolved that the benefits of this Ordinance be extended to all the young men now living in the County of Russell whether preachers or not; that Bro. Stephenson be and is hereby appointed a committee of six to carry the foregoing Ordinance into vigorous execution. Upon motion the meeting then adjourned."
Sunday, June 30, 1861: Spent the day except as herein other­wise specified in writing the following lines in Miss Mollie Sallee's album:

No poet am I as well you know.
If of my skill you've seen a trial;
And if you've not these lines will show
That such is true beyond denial.
 
When quite a youth I did, sometimes,
Invoke the Muses' inspiration,
And perpetrate some silly rhymes
For want of better occupation.
 
But since that time, some wiser grown,
 I've from the list of bards retired;
And 'yond my reach the Muse has flown,
By which my fancy was inspired.
 
So now, I hope you'll not expect
A poem from my humble pen,
By all the poet's rules correct,
And all the rhetorician's ken.
 
Then, dearest friend, in homely phrase
Your kind remembrance I would ask
And pray that you, throughout your days,
In Fortune's smiles may ever bask.
 
And on your heart I would impress
The truth of what I now declare;
That for your lasting happiness
You have my warmest heartfelt prayer.
 

I also made a picture in the album of a broom, shovel, and a pair of tongs and wrote beneath them "Armed neutrality, to be used only in case of extreme necessity."
July 2, 1861:  Bro. White held prayer meeting at Dr. Frisbie's.  Snowden Worsham went out alone to meet Champ Ferguson's Bushwhackers and dispersed them.   Noted for bravery.
Saturday, July 27, 1861:   We arrived at Albany about 10. The first thing we saw upon arriving at the top of the hill overlooking the town were the Stars and Stripes gaily fluttering to the breeze above the tops of the houses. On entering town we met a procession with 34 ladies in front on horseback, one of whom carried a National Banner followed by about 60 cavalry and 500 infantry.   They presented quite an imposing appearance.
About two thousand persons were in town. After dinner a procession was formed which marched out about a half a mile from town where they were addressed by Hon. Thos. E. Bramlette in a speech of something more than three hours duration. He made a most thrilling appeal in behalf of the Union and called upon the loyal citizens of Clinton Co. to join a regiment he is raising for the purpose of aiding the Union men of E. Tennessee. About 30 enlisted in the service under him and 87 cavalry, to compose a part of a regiment destined for the same service, now being raised by Frank Woolford of Casey Co. The feeling for the Union here is very strong and the most intense enthusiasm prevails. A Secessionist is not allowed to open his mouth. The people of this county are apprehensive of an invasion by Tennesseans. They have picket guards stationed out at every pass. The alarm was spread about an hour by sun yesterday evening, and from three to five hundred armed men gathered from various parts of the county and stayed in town last night.
Sunday, July 28, 1861: 1 received authority in writing this morning from Col. Bramlette to raise a company of volunteers in Wayne ....
Saturday, August 3, 1861: Was engaged this morning in endeavoring to raise a company for the U. S. Service under Col. Bramlette. After dinner a procession was formed which marched to Buster's.   This occupied nearly the whole evening.
A call was made for volunteers and one man besides myself enlisted.  John S. Van Winkle made a short but stirring address. On my return to town I obtained two more names to my list. A little before sundown it was announced that a company of cavalry from Clinton Co. would be here in a few minutes. Several hundred sallied forth to meet them. The band went down as far as M. Phillips and met them with National airs and escorted them to town. They were welcomed to the hospitality of the citizens of Monticello, through Col. Bramlette. He was responded to by Capt. J. A. Brents on behalf of the company. The company was then distributed out among the Union friends and entertained for the night. Their arrival created a desirable enthusiasm and enabled me to obtain seven more volunteers.
Sunday, August 4, 1861: The cavalry company started soon after breakfast enroute for their encampment near Crab Orchard.
I started to Albany about 8 this morning and arrived a little after dinner. My object in going was to ascertain the number of the company being raised by S. Taylor about which I had heard conflicting reports, also to report the number I had on my list and number I expected to get and to make arrangements for uniting my squad with his. Saw Taylor, made all necessary arrangements, called at his house where he and I remained some­thing upwards of an hour after which I started towards home ....
Monday, August 5, 1861: Soon after breakfast started for Monticello where in due time I arrived. Met a young man whom Taylor had sent to see me upon the same business about which I went to see him. Spent the day enlisting. Succeeded in augmenting my list of names to about twenty .... The election passed off quietly in Monticello. Mr. M. N. Stone made a speech requesting the Southern Rights (?) men to assemble in Monticello on Friday next for the purpose of organizing a company fight against their country.
Tuesday, August 6, 1861:  Was busily engaged winding up my business preparatory to entering into the service of my Country. Went over home this morning and spent an hour or two. After dinner continued my preparations to start to war. About 4 P. M. went down to Mr. C. T. Hall's in company with Dr. Cox and Richard Burnett for the purpose of meeting the Ky. and Tennessee companies, now on their way to Camp Nelson near Crab Orchard, Ky. Stayed all night with Josh Berry. The Clinton Boys stayed there also.
Wednesday, August 7, 1861:  Started to town this morning and arrived about 10. The Volunteers came in about an hour afterwards. About 2 P. M. Mr. C. S. Taylor made a speech of some length calling for volunteers. Col. Bowles also made a harangue. About a dozen came forward and enlisted. The company then elected C. S. Taylor, Capt., myself 1st Lieutenant, J. M. Bristow, 2nd Lt. and J. C. Southerland, 3rd Lt. We then adjourned to listen to a speech from Hon. Robt. Bridges. I do not hesitate to pronounce it the best speech I have yet listened to upon the great questions of the day. Have been engaged until now (near midnight) in making preparations to take my departure in the morning.
[Diary here departs from daily notations and begins narrative.]
More than three months have elapsed since writing the above, since which time I have been in the service of the U. S. It is impossible for me to chronicle all the events which have transpired in the meantime in chronological order but I shall endeavor to do so as much as I can, after which, if time and circumstances permit, I design resuming the diary system ....
We left Monticello on the morning of the 8th of August and reached Capt. A. R. West's about noon. This estimable gentleman had dinner prepared for us on our arrival of which we partook with a hearty good will doing ample justice to the abundant, well prepared substantiate set before us after which we resumed our march. We reached the residence of J. S. Denny just on the top of the Cumberland River hills about sunset where about half stayed all night. The other half of those with us including the Tennesseans under Capt. Bowles went to a neigh­boring house. I went home with Mr. J. N. Brown and remained over night .... We were supplied with a few sides of bacon and light bread by Mr. J. R. Ingram and some other good citizens of Pulaski while on our march from the river to Somerset. When about four miles beyond the latter place on the Crab Orchard road we halted at a small spring in the woods on the left hand side of the road where we made our dinner on raw bacon and bread. We crossed Buck Creek about sunset and repaired in small parties to the neighboring houses where we put up for the night.   Having collected our forces the next morning we set out for Camp Nelson where we arrived about 3 P. M. We found between three or four hundred men at this place who received us with presented arms and hearty cheers. This camp was situated at the old Bryant tavern stand, about a mile and a half from Crab Orchard on the Somerset Road. Capt. King who had arrived in camp some days before us turned over his quarters, arm, etc. to us. We were received into the service by Lt. Col. Gilmore, commanding post.   We had no commissary stores at this place but boarded at Yantiss'. The whole of us ate at the same table which consumed about 3 hours to each meal. This caused great dissatisfaction among the troops and all were anxious to leave ....
On the 21st day of August a dispatch was received at head­quarters stating that a quantity of arms had been seized by the Secessionists at Lexington which had been shipped from Cincinnati for Camp Dick Robinson.
Early next morning about 300 cavalry under Lt. Col. Letcher set out for Lexington. Col. Bramlette started for Lexington for the purpose of ascertaining particulars concerning the seizure. Gen. Nelson, perhaps getting uneasy lest the cavalry should be overpowered, ordered 500 Infantry to march to their support. The Gen. went in person some time during the day. About 7 in the evening the Infantry took up its line of march under command of Col. S. S. Fry. I joined part of the company under my command to Capt. McKee's company and went as 1st Lt. We reached Nicholasville about 3.  It rained on us from the time we left camp. Upon our arrival at Nicholasville, we found the wagons containing the arms the Secesh had seized. The Gen. commended in high terms the conduct of the cavalry.
Upon the arrival of the cavalry at Lexington, the Secesh became greatly alarmed and the Arch Traitor, John C. Breckenridge, who had taken a leading part in the seizure and detention of the arms, addressed a note to Col. Bramlette stating that if he (Bramlette) would withdraw the troops from the city he would use his influence to have the arms given up.  Col. Bramlette sent him word to go to h------with his influence, that he had come for the arms and intended to have them on his own terms, even should a resort to arms be necessary.  The Secessionists then blew a bugle for the traitors to rally under arms. At the same time the cavalry formed and the Home Guards came out at the ringing of the Courthouse bell.  The Secesh finding our boys were not to be scared and thinking the probability of whip­ping us rather remote graciously condescended to give us our property. The arms were put in wagons and brought to Nicholasville under escort of our cavalry.
From the time of our arrival at Nicholasville until daylight I slept in a commissary wagon across the tops of three empty barrels. We divided into parties and took breakfast at different houses in town after which we took up our line of march for Camp Dick Robinson, where we arrived some time in the after­noon, much fatigued with our long, wet, muddy, and sleepless tramp.
Nothing of particular interest occurred for some days except an occasional alarm in which cases the men always came out on the color-line with great promptness and evinced a perfect willingness to fight any number of Secessionists that the Devil should be pleased to send.
At this time we were but a few hundred strong, undrilled and poorly armed. We had assembled in open violation of the "Armed Neutrality" policy of the State and in direct opposition to the will of our Secession Governor. We were in constant apprehension of an attack from State Guards with whom, His Excellency, Beriah Magoffin threatened to disperse us. We were also looked upon with much disfavor by men professing to be loyal who yet clung to the doctrine of "Armed Neutrality."
Notwithstanding this many sided opposition to our course we lived and prospered. Our numbers soon swelled to thousands and we were soon in such a state of organization that the Secessionists no longer threatened us.
On the 9th of Sept.   I left Camp Dick Robinson for Monticello on a recruiting expedition .... I got three or four men and went into the court house late on the night of my arrival and took every lock and bayonet off of forty six muskets with which the secessionists had been drilling. We put them into a bag and took them out to the country where we concealed them. We should have taken the guns also but had not the means of transporting or concealing them without involving great risk of discovery—and we were particularly desirous of avoiding discovery for many reasons, not one of which was correctly assigned in a letter written upon the subject a few days afterward by some of the Secesh to the Frankfort Yeoman. We were apprehensive lest they should fall into the hands of a party of Secession Guerrillas who were then hovering on the Southern border of our country.
It was with feelings of deep sorrow that I marked the sad changes that had taken place in Monticello in the short space of six months. When I left (8th Aug. '61) to make my home in the tented field, none save the twelve who were with me had joined in the internecine strife, just then beginning to shake the foundation of our once peaceful and happy society, and hundreds of friends crowded around to extend a parting hand and a thou­sand good wishes; but at the time of my visit I found but a slender few remaining. They had either gone to the war or fled before the tide of revolution whose fiery waves threatened soon to burst across our mountain girded borders. Of these many have gone to their last account while the remainder are so scattered that I can hope to meet but few of them upon the "Old Stamping Ground" when the roll of the battle drum shall have become silent and the "War Bugle" ceased its fierce wild clangor.
 
Narrative—1862:
 On my return to camp (Feb. 12th) I had a remarkably Quixotic adventure the denouement of which mortified me prodigiously.  While riding along about a half a mile beyond Allcorn's (from Camp Green) I looked out into the woods and beheld a horseman approaching the road at an angle of about thirty degrees. The first thing that attracted my attention was his riding in the deep wood where there was no sign of a road and, secondly, his equipment and general appearance. He was riding a packsaddle, had a halter on his horse, and crutch in his hand. The crutch I mistook for a short gun and the packsaddle and halter for the accoutrements of a trooper's horse. I at once concluded he was a trooper and as he did not wear the livery of Uncle Sam, I sat him down as belonging to the rebel cavalry.  This conclusion was strengthened by the fact of his having on a low yellow hat such as the rebel soldiers wear. In fact the illusion was perfect. My first impression was that one of the guerrilla bands, that about that time were prowling around through the hills, had gained information, from some of the Secesh about Monticello, of my intention to return to camp on that day and that this fellow was either conducting me into an ambuscade or, in concert with others, was closing in on me with intent to kill or take me prisoner. I thought if that was their game I would not go into any such an arrangement. I had no particular desire to die except in a regular battle where my friends might learn that I had fought bravely and died gloriously and I still less relished the idea of spending the summer in a Southern dungeon.
I stopped my horse and looked about me, on all sides, seeing no one else approaching  from any other direction. My mind being relieved upon that point I began to consider what course I should pursue in reference to the chap approaching the road. As his attention did not seem directed to me as particularly as it would likely have been, had his object been what I at first suspected, I determined to give him battle and if possible take him by surprise.
In the execution of this design I rode up to within about forty yards of the place I expected he would emerge from the wood into the road, and drew up behind a little clump of bushes. I then took out my Colt's Navy, shortened my reins and prepared to make a charge the moment my supposed enemy should make his appearance in the road. When he entered the road I drew my "Rosinante" back upon his haunches and dug both heels in his flanks. He plunged forward at a tolerably respectable gallop and in a moment brought me within short range of my intended victim. I was almost in the act of firing when I discovered my error. He proved to be a little old lame man and when I bore down upon him in furious charge, he turned upon me with such a look of horror as I shall never forget.
As may be easily imagined, I felt no slight mortification when I came to realize what an enormous ass I had made of myself in the affair, but then he looked so much like a Rebel I could justify myself in what I had done. My disappointment was such as to convert me to the belief that there must have been some truth in the opinion entertained by Don Quixote de La Mancha that wicked enchanters do sometimes through envy transform giants, knights and indeed enemies of all kinds into simple country peasants. But even though the enchanter may not in this particular instance have exercised his diabolical art, yet I hope I am almost as excusable for my mistake as was the soldier of the first Kansas when he mistook a hog one dark night for a Secesh.
 
 

DR. J. B. FRISBIE, JR. With his father, Dr. J. B. Frisbie, he ministered to the sick in Wayne County for sixty-fire years

On the evening of the Twentieth of March, a fleet of six steamers landed at the mouth of Greasy Creek for the purpose of conveying our regt. and the Sixth Ohio Battery to Dixie Land. The next day was spent in embarking which was completed about 4 p. m.

The steamer May Duke, upon which our Company (H), Captain King's Company (F), a part of Captain Marat's Company (I), and a part of the battery was embarked, ran up the river opposite the residence of Mr. J. H. Meadows, to wood. I was sent with a detail of twenty men to throw wood over the cliff. The night was dark and the hill very steep. A part of the men succeeded in gaining the top but I did not. The next morning we started for Nashville. Our flotilla did not keep together but we were continually passing each other during the whole trip. We all arrived without accident at the City of Nashville, about 11 p. m., March 17th. We disembarked the next morning. Lieu­tenant Bristow and I went down to where the river bridge stood before the exit of the thieving rebel, General Floyd, where we saw one of the gunboats that figured at Forts Henry and Donald­son after which we went to the State House. We ascended to the Observatory and climbed out on top. Here we had a fine view of the city and surrounding country, but the great height, together with the motion of the boat, being still in our heads and the dizziness, occasioned by climbing the spiral stairs, we were compelled to get down in a hurry.    When we again reached terra firma we explored the basement story, also saw the stone vault within the wall where the remains of the architect of the building were interred. Having satisfied our curiosity with regard to that noble structure we repaired to the wharf where we found our regiment (and the 21st Kentucky which came down on our fleet) ready to march. We marched about 3I/2 miles out on the Nolin pike where we encamped. While here we were visited by the paymaster who paid us two months wages. We were attached to the 20th Brigade commanded by Colonel Harker. I was appointed Ordnance Officer of that Brigade and acted in that capacity for some days but, my regiment having in the meantime been detached from that Brigade, I resigned and went back to my former position (1st Lieutenant Co. H, 3rd Kentucky Vols. U. S. A.).

April 5: We resumed our march and came within about 11 miles of Waynesboro. On the next morning we pursued our weary journey. About 9 a. m. we heard heavy cannonading apparently somewhat south of Savannah though what it meant none of us knew. General Hascall commanding our Brigade received a dispatch from General Wood to press vigorously for­ward as a battle was in all probability going on and our services might be needed. The cannonading was kept up all day without intermission. We marched 23 miles that day and much exhausted pitched tents a little after sunset. I walked out beyond the noise and confusion of the camp and could distinctly hear the heavy booming of cannon.
We took up our line of march before sunup and pressed for­ward with all the speed the mud and swollen streams would permit. We found the roads obstructed by wagons for fifteen or twenty miles and were compelled to leave our trains behind. When within about eight miles of Savannah we halted and drew three days rations which the men deposited in their haversacks and again struck out for the scene of conflict, the noise of which had by this time become one continuous, heavy, sullen, terrible roar—fearfully distinct to us. We heard various reports when within a few miles of Savannah with regard to the progress of the battle. Some of them were to the effect that Beauregard had the rebel army of the Potomac on the ground and was cutting our men all to pieces—another that the rebels were giving way and our victory certain, and numerous details and statement with regard to the numbers engaged, those killed and wounded, etc., upon each side. We reached Savannah a little after dark. The town was filled with the dead and wounded brought from the battlefield. Our regiment was put on the top of the boat and was exposed to a drenching rain during the trip—reached Pittsburg Landing about 10:30 p. m.
We had just disembarked when the rattle of musketry was heard in front, which we supposed to be a recommencement of the battle.   For a moment everything appeared to be in a state of wild disorder, thousands of men were hurrying to and fro working in and through each other like a disturbed swarm of bees, and a moment after, the most perfect order prevailed throughout the vast sea of human beings that met our view. Companies, regiments, brigades and divisions were formed with perfect military precision and soon the immense dark columns were moving rapidly to the front. When we reached the front we formed our lines of battle and stood under arms during the entire day but no enemy came.
The first view we 'had of the battlefield of Shiloh, as it is called, was not at all calculated to steady one's nerves. The dead men were scattered all over the field, some in groups, others in heaps, and the wounded, of whom all had not been gathered up, were crawling about through the deep mud presenting a most piteous spectacle. Dead horses and mules, shattered wagons and gun carriages, trees slivered and torn by shot, shell, grape and canister told how terribly destructive had been the work of the artillery, to the music of whose roar we made the last two days march to the field.
The next day after our arrival I spent about half a day rambling about over the field examining the dead with the expectation of finding some with whom I was acquainted but found none. It is a notable fact that the dead Union soldiers retained a remarkably natural appearance while the dead rebels were almost universally very greatly bloated and black in the face.
On the next day some little skirmishing took place between our pickets and those of the enemy. This boldness with which they approached our lines in various places upon our front together with some other circumstances induced us to believe that the whole rebel army was advancing upon us. The long-roll was beat and in a few moments our whole army was in battle array. We advanced about half a mile and awaited their coming until late in the evening when, being satisfied from the reports of our picket scouts and the skirmishers we had thrown out that no attack was likely to be made upon us, we fell back to our place of occupation upon the field. That night our Brigade was ordered out on picket duty. We slept upon our arms all night and observed the utmost silence.    Our slumbers were not disturbed during the night and the next morning we marched back to our former position.

We bivouacked upon the field for nine days and nights without shelter. It rained on us almost the whole time. The dark dismal swampy woods in which we were stationed, the heavy black clouds that hung over us, the deep mire through which we waded and in which we slept, the want of every article of comfort, convenience or even necessity, the insufferable stench of the carcasses of dead men, mules, and horses rendered this a picture of "darkness" to which Poe or Byron could do no more than justice. Our food was dry crackers and water.

But the most complete avalanche of oaths the writer ever heard was that day uttered by General Wood and hurled and showered upon the Captain who had allowed his men to fire off their guns upon our front. It was a masterpiece of profanity, faultlessly rendered. Our much beloved little division commander had no equal in that line in the army and perhaps none in the navy. General Nelson would have turned green with envy if he had heard him.

When fully assured that the rebels had no intention of attacking us we returned to our former place of bivouac. We remained upon the field of Shiloh for ten days and nights with­out shelter of any kind. The bad, impure and even filthy water we were compelled to drink, rendered our sojourn there any­thing but cheerful or pleasant. After the rations the men had brought with them in their haversacks gave out we had nothing at all to eat but dry crackers, commonly known as "hard-tack" until within a day or two before we left there when we obtained a small quantity of pickled pork and coffee. The men carried boxes of crackers on their shoulders from the landing, a distance of five miles, by the route they were compelled to go, in order to avoid the deeper parts of the mire. The mud had deepened considerably since our arrival.
Bullet-proof Vests: While there (near Shiloh) a benevolent young man came around with bullet-proof vests for sale. They were woven of a stiff, tough wire and looked as if they would ordinarily turn almost any bullet. The line officers, however, all declined to purchase on the ground that they might get shot through the head and be found dead on the field with a badge of cowardice on their bodies. He next concluded he would try to sell one to Colonel Bramlette. We thought he was taking his wares to a bad market but did not tell him so. On the contrary, if the truth must be told, we rather encouraged him in the idea. We expected the Colonel would kick him out of his tent and two or three of us innocently sauntered around to head­quarters, one at a time, to see the fun.
Greatly to our surprise, however, the Colonel treated him with the most winning affability. He examined the vests, asked a great many questions about them, evinced a deep interest in what the young man said about their efficacy in preserving many valuable lives to the country's service, said he had a great desire to try one of them. He asked the young man to put one of them on and step off about ten steps at the same time taking a large army pistol from his holster that swung to his tent pole and working the cylinder around to see that it revolved all right

That was not exactly the way the young man had construed the Colonel's desire to try one and as he had no desire himself to have his vests tested just that way, he began to make excuses. But the Colonel answered all his excuses and insisted on the trial he had proposed. The young man would not agree to it. He however, had a thick hide and thicker skull, and still persisted in his efforts to sell one of them to the Colonel. The Colonel said he did not think he wanted one of them just then but did not know how soon he might and asked if he had one that would fit him. The young man selected one he thought was about the right size and asked the Colonel to try it on. The Colonel took it and made two or three rather ludicrous attempts to adjust it upon his person when the young man said, "Oh, Colonel, that is not the way. You have it fore part behind." The Colonel turned upon him and in a withering tone said, "Young man, I think I know what I am about. When I get to be such a d—d coward as to want one of these things (at the same time holding the vest between his thumb and fore-finger and eyeing it contemptuously) I will want to wear it in such a way as to protect the part of my person likely to be most exposed to the enemy."
The young man snatched the vest from his hand, gathered up the others and hastily disappeared from our camp.

Bivouacked near Corinth:  May 10th, a heavy force, of which our division constituted a part, was thrown around to the left and front.  Having settled into position, the writer was sent for­ward with his Company about three miles on outpost duty, differing somewhat from the picket service afterwards adopted by the army.
Time, place and occasion concur in bringing to mind an incident mentioned by Captain Thos.  Speed in his well written history of the 12th Kentucky Infantry which he alludes to as "a clear case of making matter for the newspapers" and was possibly the same occasion referred to by another writer belonging to that regiment upon which "a certain officer sought a little cheap notoriety by skirmishing upon them from the rear." The writers may not have meant either, but there seems at least to be such a coincidence as to justify explanation.
The way of it, so far as we were concerned, was this: We were informed that we were a part of the line of extreme out­posts of our army and were instructed to keep a vigilant watch from that position and if too strongly attacked we were to skirmish back to our line of battle holding the enemy in check as long as we could.
Through the whole night we heard men coughing and horses snorting and neighing almost directly in front of our line in the direction it was posted. We supposed it was a body of rebel cavalry on picket but did not know. As soon as daylight began to appear the writer sent a note back to Colonel Bramlette informing him what we had heard and asking him what it meant and what we must do. The Colonel probably not relishing a disturbance of his slumbers at that hour sent back the somewhat curt reply that ". . . . Captain Tuttle should inquire at the front and not at the rear." The writer accordingly selected eight or ten men and proceeded to "inquire" in the direction indicated.

We slipped quietly and cautiously through the woods for something over a quarter of a mile when greatly to the relief of our highly strained nerves we came upon the 12th Kentucky Infantry instead of the body of rebel cavalry we had expected to find. We were at a "ready" with cocked pieces but did not fire at random or anything else and did not "drive 'em" though we may perhaps be said to have skirmished upon the rear of our very good friends of the 12th. They were not, however, in camp or even in regular bivouac as might be inferred from one of the accounts but were, like ourselves, on outpost duty. The position was new and the lines had not been adjusted. The direction of their line and that of ours if extended would have formed some­thing less than a right angle and all were faced in the same general direction so that we really approached them from their rear although our position was almost, if not quite, as far advanced as theirs. After a pleasant chat with Captains Crozier, Ham, Collier and others, the writer returned to his company. . . .
On the Fourth of May, 1862, I was commissioned Captain of Company G . .. .

Monday, September 8, 1862: Rejoined the regiment about daybreak and marched six miles in the direction of Gallatin and bivouacked. The principal incident of the day was the demolition of a formidable nest of Yellow Jackets. I planned the attack and Captain Taylor "did the work for them" in handsome style. Under my direction the gallant Captain sent forward his Aid De Camp with about 1/4 pound of powder which he himself in his own proper person followed at about the distance of three paces with a shovel full of coals and hot embers. When my forces reached the earthworks of the enemy the vanguard charged the fort and the Captain immediately emptied the con­tent of his shovel upon the citadel. Immediately there was a tremendous explosion and the brave little garrison "went up." Our loss was but two wounded. Captain Taylor had his face badly burned with powder and embers and (Drum) Major Cruzan, who was asleep on the ground near by, had his face bruised severely by a stump Colonel Scott's "haven took" with him when he rather hastily retired from the scene of action.

[The intervening period before the next entry is partially covered by the preceding "narrative."]

Wednesday, August 26, 1863: Spent the morning reading Little’s Living Age, etc. In the evening was appointed Field Officer of the Pickets for the Brigade.
While at one of the posts giving instructions to the Lieutenant in command, the horse I was riding suddenly and without apparent cause commenced rearing and plunging. He first fell nearly straight backwards with me upon a stack of loaded guns which he scattered in every direction, then reared straight up and came back against a tree by which process my left thigh was broken and then took a fair fall of his own of which he had the exclusive enjoyment.
Those on duty at the post picked me up promptly and sent for a surgeon. Two or three presently came with an ambulance but I was suffering too much pain to be hauled in so they sent for a litter and had me carried in to our regimental hospital. My leg, which had only been temporarily splinted and bandaged, was then dressed by Dr. Rhoann and Dr. Todd, our Brigade Medical Director. I suffered the most excruciating pain and was delirious part of the evening and night.
Thursday, August 27, 1863:  Dr. Blair, Division Medical Director, Dr. Todd, Brigade Medical Director and Dr. McMahan came to see me this morning. They concluded my leg had drawn up too much so they made a big splint and lashed my leg to it after stretching it about an inch and a half. The process was almost as painful as the first breaking. I suffered very much in course of the day and night. Every kindness and attention that could be thought of was shown me by those in immediate attendance upon me and the officers and men of the regiment generally.

Monday, November 23, 1863:  Divided the morning between reading Lalla Rookh and listening to the casual cannonading from Moccasin Point and Fort Wood and the occasional replies of Lookout. There was some musketry on the other side of Look­out but we are not informed of what is going on over there.
About noon our bugles sounded to arms and looking over our vast encampment I saw the whole army of the Cumberland was falling in. Stationing myself upon a hill just above the camp of my regiment, I witnessed the formation of companies, and companies into regiments, and regiments into brigades. In a very few minutes all in three heavy columns were moving to the front. Looking over towards the rebel encampment I saw they were rapidly marshaling their forces in battle array to meet our advancing columns. It was truly a grand and imposing spectacle to see these immense bodies of men moving out and forming in line of battle with the precision of regimental maneuvers. The 11th A. C. moved past where I stood and formed itself to operate as a grand reserve for the left wing.
When our columns had well cleared the outer encampment they deployed into line, threw out their skirmishers and advanced a considerable distance, when the right and center halted and the left pressed on. Soon upon the extreme left a shot was fired, then another, and another, until the entire skirmish line of the left became engaged. A few minutes sufficed for them to drive in the rebel pickets when they were met by the rebel skirmishers whom they in turn drove back upon their outer line of rifle pits. Our line of battle on the left pressed forward, and after a sharp conflict of an hour's duration, drove the enemy from their rifle pits, killing and wounding several hundred and taking upwards of two hundred prisoners. It gained and held Orchard Point and a ridge of considerable strategic importance running parallel with Missionary Ridge along the entire front of our left.
The rest of the evening was spent in cannonading at various points along the line, the Infantry remaining stationary. Our forces are engaged tonight fortifying the positions gained and in advancing our picket lines. Our wounded are being brought into camp tonight and well cared for.

Tuesday, November 24, 1863: Sharp firing commenced on the west side of Lookout Mountain early this morning growing warmer as it continued. About 9 A. M., Moccasin Point opened furiously upon the rebels with shells. At about 11 A. M. we saw the rebels sweeping around the end of Lookout next to the river retreating towards their fortifications, pursued by the 12th A. C and a part of Sherman's command all under General Hooker. The rebels made a stand at a fort and line of earthworks on the mountain. Hooker fought them about an hour when he charged their works driving the rebels out of their works and causing them to retire a considerable distance in great confusion. Here they made another stubborn stand either from heavy reinforcements or another line of works. A sharp skirmish was kept up until midnight when the rebels retired.   The flash of guns could be distinctly seen from my tent forming two sparkling lines from the bottom of the hill nearly to the summit.

Wednesday, November 25, 1863: Early this morning I took my position just in front of Fort Wood to witness operations on their left it being expected that the greater part of the fighting of today would take place in that quarter, the rebels having evacuated their position on their left and massed a heavy force on their right. I could distinctly see long lines of rebels moving in that direction on top of Missionary Ridge when I took my position. Our forces shifted to our left to meet this movement of the enemy. About 8 A. M. General Sherman opened a severe cannonade upon the rebel right and in about an hour charged upon the heights occupied by the rebels. I saw line after line climb the hill and from the heavy roar of musketry knew they were struggling nobly for the position. For some time I thought they had gained the heights but after a little while I saw our forces retreating down the hill. Heavy musketry was now heard on the rebel left which drew a considerable portion of the rebel force in that direction when Sherman's columns again ascended the hill. After a terrible struggle of more than an hour's duration, Sherman succeeded in gaining a foothold on the north end of Missionary Ridge.
About three o'clock P. M. the fighting became very heavy on the extreme rebel left and while the attention of the enemy was attracted in that direction the Army of the Cumberland with all its batteries moved up all along in front of Missionary Ridge. All the field batteries and also the heavy guns in Fort Wood opened upon the rebels on Missionary Ridge. This continued for near an hour when the Army of the Cumberland broke by heads of Demi Brigades to the front and charged the enemy's rifle pits on the side of Missionary Ridge. We were just then peppering the side and top of Missionary Ridge with shells from every cannon that could be brought to bear and the rebels were showering down bombs from the top of the ridge upon our charging columns all together presenting one of the grandest spectacles ever seen.
Our charging columns plunged through the shower of death-dealing missiles hurled upon them and carried the rebel rifle pits.
They were proceeding to climb the hill when they were ordered back. They formed again and this time gained the summit taking the rebel batteries which poured a galling fire of grape and canister into their ranks.
Just as the sun was setting, the banners of our charging columns were planted all along on top of Missionary Ridge and the rebels were in full retreat.
The Third Kentucky had 56 enlisted men killed and wounded and seven officers wounded, one of whom, Adjt. G. D. Hunt, mortally.

Saturday, November 28, 1863: Our Division and other troops marched from here this evening to the relief of General Burnside now at Knoxville, threatened by overwhelming numbers of the enemy. Spent the day reading and cutting letters on head boards for the graves of those of our regiment who fell on Wednesday.   Am in command of camp.
Sunday, May 8, 1864: Our regiment marched about a mile around on the left flank of Rocky Face Ridge and occupied a gap. Three forward skirmishes and soon brisk firing broke out all along the line. The 125th Ohio went out on a recognizance and succeeded in gaining the top of Rocky Face with the loss of four men killed and about twenty wounded. Colonel Opdyke sent word back that the rebs were thick in his front and advancing. The 79th Illinois was sent to his support. The 23rd A. C joined on our left. Three or four of their Generals came to see us.
A little after noon, our regiment and the remaining regiments of our brigade marched up on top of Rocky Face. Here we had a fine view of the country for many miles on both sides. Saw three rebel forts and a number of lines of fortification which appeared to be occupied by rebel cavalry pickets only. Toward night however, the whole rebel army marched out of their camps about Dalton and bivouacked in Crow Valley down to our left. The camp fires of the two armies presented a spectacle magnificent beyond description. A little before sunset our regiment was sent on picket though relieved a little after dark, not being its time for picket.
Rebels fired a volley into us during the night and, though the balls pattered around us, none of us were hurt.  Received a letter from Dan Collier.  Glorious news from Grant's operations in Virginia.
Monday, May 9, 1864:  When I awoke this morning, they were clearing a road to bring two pieces of artillery up the hill to batter down the fort in the ridge in front of us. Our brigade moved forward about sunrise. Heavy skirmishing was kept up all day by our advance, of which four companies of our regiment under Lieutenant Colonel Bullitt and Major Brennan constituted a part. Colonel Dunlap and I, under orders from General Hooker, remained with the six companies in reserve. Balls sang over us all day long, wounding a few of the reserve.
About noon, the 23rd A. C. moved in line of battle down Crow Valley and connected with the left of our Division. Our artillery was well handled though one of the pieces was so exposed to the enemy's sharp shooters it could not be used a great deal.
About 5 P. M., we received orders to the effect that General Wagner should charge a line of rifle pits on the side of the rebel fort next to Crow Valley and if he succeeded in carrying them, our Brigade (Harker's) was to charge directly on the fort. Our advance consisting of detachments from our regiment and the 64th Ohio and probably from another regiment or two of our Brigade were to take the lead when they saw us coming. Through some misunderstanding, Colonel McClain of the 64th started on the charge before we in the rear were ready for the assault. Our regiment and the 125th Ohio were to charge by the flank on top of the ridge, the 125th in advance of us, but as Colonel McClain and those with him had started, we were compelled to support them immediately. Our regiment happened to be nearest ready and started forward at once in double quick time following the charge of our advance detachments and followed by the 125th Ohio.
I brought up the rear of our regiment and pressed forward with all my might. I thought at the time I was nearly to the fort but found afterwards I did not get there by nearly one hundred yards. Met our men rushing to the rear and tried to rally them but, failing in that, joined them in the retreat.   Some of our men got within thirty yards of the fort before they were repulsed. Wagner made a feeble demonstration on our left and fell back. Wood came up bravely on our right but was repulsed.

Left my haversack nearly as far up as I went towards the fort being too much exhausted to carry it.  Received a painful stab in my right leg with a bayonet during the scramble on the charge.  I, with some others, jumped over the bluff and returned on the west side in the retreat. Being crippled in both legs, I could not have gotten along very well had my retreat not been facilitated by some rebel sharp shooters in trees who made the balls sing about my ears. Thought the rebels would pursue and did not know how far our men would fall back so considered my chance for a berth in Libby pretty fair, but looking up the hill I saw the Stars and Stripes waving and made for them. Got nearly to the top of the hill when I sank entirely exhausted. Some of my men came down and helped me up the hill. Rested a few minutes, drank some coffee, and returned to the regiment (or the main body of those who remained together). Found they had only fallen back about 200 yards and were behind some works we had thrown up in the morning and were still pegging away at the rebels. Lieutenant Colonel Bullitt was very seriously wounded. Captain Bristow slightly wounded, though badly bruised. Four enlisted men were killed and 26 wounded out of our regiment. The Brigade lost thirty-one killed and 113 wounded. We were relieved a little after dark and retired about where we went into bivouac for the night.

Thursday, September 8, 1864:  The train in charge of Lieutenant Worsham moved out to Decatur this morning. Bid Phil goodby and returned to my quarters. In the afternoon I walked to see the rebel works in front of the position we occupied while investing the city and after examining several forts and lines of works, I went over to the picket line which, from the twenty-second of July to the twenty-fifth day of August, was the scene of so many advances, dashes, demonstrations, sallies, etc. Found the trees cut up into splinters and minnie balls. Grape and canister and pieces of shell covered the ground to a depth of about a foot. This may seem a little extravagant to some people but it is necessary for them to see a piece of ground over which balls pattered like hail for thirty-three days and nights before they can form any just ideas of the traces left behind.
When I visited this spot it was lonely and deserted and an awful stillness prevailed. I visited many spots where I had seen many noble comrades fall dead or wounded and where I had stood myself in agonizing terror amid the roar of cannon, the crash of musketry, the hissing of minnie balls, and the shriek of huge shells that came with a mighty crash through the woods. I continued my lonely ramble musing upon the many thrilling scenes which had been there enacted and night came on before I was aware. It was with some reluctance at first that I turned my steps towards the city but all at once a feeling of superstitious horror came over me and I almost expected to see the fierce combatants spring up and resume their work of human slaughter. Alone in the dark woods with an imagination crowded with scenes of horror which every spot upon which I turned my eyes suggested, I began to feel about as uncomfortable as Ichabod Crane did when he found it necessary to whistle in order to keep up his courage and I was as truly glad to get away from there as ever I was upon any one of my former visits.

Returned to the city—got lost in the streets and met guards at every crossing some of whom detained me some time and each one giving different directions with regard to the direction of my quarters so I did not find them until late bed time. Found a plateful of sweet potatoes sitting in my window which I soon dispatched and laid my weary frame down to rest.

1864:  A band of marauders under one Preston Huff, numbering 7 to 9 came to Monticello on the twenty-second of November.  They first got beastly drunk then prowled around attempting to kill a number of citizens and greatly abusing a great many others.
After dark they obtained axes and went about town breaking open the doors of the stores and groceries. Merchants abandoned their stores to the mercy of these fiends in human shape who helped themselves to more than a thousand dollars worth of goods and destroyed much more. They prowled about the streets like demons, shooting at every man that showed himself until late bedtime, when they drew up in front of Mr. Huffaker's brick building and fired more than hundred shots at it, mostly at the windows of the corner room occupied by Mr. E. Layton. They were trying to kill Mr. L. P. Baker.  After this, left town promising to return soon.  Nearly every man in town procured some kind of weapon, prepared to act in concert, but they never returned.

Saturday, April 15, 1865:   Left Stanford on stage this morning and proceeded to Danville where I took breakfast at the Chiles House after which took stage for Nicholasville, thence the cars for Lexington where 1 took dinner at the Phoenix Hotel, after which took the cars for Frankfort my destination, the purpose of my trip being to superintend the mustering out of Companies C, D, and E of the 30th Kentucky Mounted Infantry.
At Camp Nelson heard the report that President Lincoln had been assassinated at a theatre in Washington last night but did not believe it. Upon arriving at Nicholasville heard the same report and some discussion as to its probable truth. It was not until my arrival at Lexington where I heard the whole matter talked over that I could bring my mind to a realization of the magnitude of the crime that had been perpetrated.

Sunday, April 16, 1865:   Spent the day examining and arranging the papers of the 30th Kentucky except an hour or two spent with Mr. E. L. Van Winkle during which time we took a walk up to the cemetery. The death of President Lincoln is fully confirmed and the deepest feeling is everywhere manifested.

Monday, April 17, 1865:  The Capitol and other public buildings as well as most of the principal business houses and offices in Frankfort are draped in mourning and the deepest sor­row seems to prevail everywhere. I was very busy all day work­ing on the rolls of the 30th.

[Here ends the diary of Captain Turtle.]
  
Captain Tuttle is eulogized by a friend, in the following article in the Kentucky Courier, Mt. Sterling:
"Outstanding among the many prominent and older citizens of Monticello was Captain John W. Tuttle, a well-known and respected officer of the Federal army in the Civil War, and later studied and practiced law as his chosen profession in life. Captain Tuttle was well educated in the best schools and colleges of the country, a ready and versatile historian and literary genius, a fluent speaker and writer; progressive in the business affairs of his town and county, and a citizen of most commendable civic pride, using his time and talents willingly for the upbuilding of his own community, and for ideals which would advance his county, state and country. Captain Tuttle was also the friend to all young men, struggling for an education and start in life. It was through his efforts, influence and management, that the names, heroic services and sacrifice of the young men of Wayne County who lost their health and lives in the World War have been honored and remembered by the erection of a worthy and fitting Doughboy Memorial at the cost of $5,000, which stands in the center of the Public Square at Monticello. Prominent in the councils of the Republican party, high in the esteem and confidence of the National Administration when of the party, Captain Tuttle held positions of trust and responsibility with his State and Government, which necessitated frequent trips to Washington City, even in his old age. (He was our friend in our earliest boyhood.)"—J. W. Hall.

Ephraim L. Van Winkle, Secretary of State in Kentucky during the Civil War, was from Wayne County. He died before the expiration of his term, and his brother, John S. Van Winkle, was appointed to fill the unexpired period. He was an emancipationist, believing the institution of slavery a blot on the nation. The following letter to a relative in Monticello gives his views on the subject:
 
 
Frankfort, Kentucky,
Decr. 27th, 1863
Dear Juan,
I rec'd your very kind letter several days ago and have to say in reply that I was happy to learn of you that you were all well & that my hopeful son was at school doing well. I don't know how to send him a present as there is no way of getting it to him.   I bought you an album as requested, quite an elegant one for the price & am sure you will be pleased with it. Tuttle had no way of taking it or it would have reached you ere this. I will if I have an opportunity, place the photograph of your humble servant in front. I think, however, to have it well done I will have to wait until I go to Louisville as this operator here is not first rate as I understand.
 

I have placed the photograph of Mrs. Douglas in the album which you can remove if you wish. I indexed her for No. 2 which will place her on the same leaf with mine, tho on opposite sides. I can get you a number of Major Generals if you like it, yet I fear they will not suit you, not because they are military men, but because they have had something to do with the establishment of "Abrahamic Sins." What a pity it is that St. Paul was not the friend of slavery.  If he had been doubtless many who have imbibed prejudices against that institution would not have had their moral sensibilities shocked by its presence in our good country.  Did it ever occur to you that there are many good people, earnest and honest, that differ with us radically upon many questions of Statesmanship and that we always allow them an honest difference until we reach the great question of slavery at which point we burst forth with indignant denunciation of rascal, scoundrel, hypocrite and "Abolition Dog." Why is this—Is slavery of such a doubtful and uncertain moral right that we fear discussion; does an opinion, honestly entertained, that it ought to be abandoned degrade the mind and moral nature of the man who so regards the true policy of the country? If so, to entertain the opposite opinion ought to elevate and ennoble human nature.   Jefferson Davis et id omne genus will soon reach the point of human perfectibility and a grateful country will in due season deify the great apostles of "A more refined civilization" and to secure the permanent elevation of our morals and manners, we will turn our great Navy into slavers and make the ocean groan with captives from the coast of Africa & upon the sand coasts of that benighted region we will hold high carnival around the bloody altars of "Dahomey." What boots it if we do tear a-sunder husband & wife, mother and child & fill the air with the lamentations of human woe? It matters not, they are but poor ignorant Negroes.   Mark you, whenever I become the aider and abettor of the extension of human bondage, may a righteous God strike me with his wrath as a cumberer of the Earth and as one who has lost all high and manly views of right and given over to judicial blindness, etc.

Well, Juan, I have said more than I ought to have done about politics, yet I felt tempted by your remark about "Abrahamic Sins" to run the thing down and see at whose door rested the great load that now hangs down my beloved country, and now that I have placed it upon the right head, I will pass to more agreeable topics. I have had quite a merry Christmas considering that my engagements have been very burdensome. Have been at three dinner parties, one at the Governor's, and one at Crittenden's, and another at my under secretary's, J. R. Page. At each place was assembled the youth and beauty of the Capitol; gayety and festivity as a matter of course was the order of the day. At the Governor's, I had to act as assistant host and you may imagine it was no light task. I, however, got through like a French dancing master, or worse, and have in the end to count quite a number of new and agreeable acquaintances, male and female, as the result of my labors. Up to this time, however, have seen but few of the unmarried part of our population. Next week they will all be at the Governor's when I will take notes and give you the result of my judgments upon the most conspicuous. Miss Locky Malone is spending the winter with the Governor. I have made her acquaintance and have taken her round to several places. She is not the gay, dashing widow I had supposed her to be, but quiet, retired, modest and not fond of strangers or gay company.

I wish you could be here and take a whirl with us during the winter. Next winter you can do so without doubt and I will try and have made a sufficient number of acquaintances to aid you in getting a good start, unless you take a foolish notion to marry before that time rolls around. If Bennet could get out I really believe it would be a gone case with them from the horrors of this war. I would let the American people drive the atrocious scoundrel into the ocean bur this reparation cannot be made and I therefore go for conservative measures for the purpose of obtaining the return of law and order and the repose of the nation. It is for this I am a conservative, not that I wish to help the cold-blooded conclave who have deliberately involved in ruin the homes of millions in order that they might open the seas to the traffic in human souls & perpetuate the spread and growth of human slavery. I am not the man who would interfere with slavery.   I am for law and order but... . more anon.
 
Yours Truly,
E. L. Van Winkle.
 
 
The above letter was written to the young sister of Van Winkle's wife who had died sometime before the foregoing letter was written.
 
John Castillo, a young soldier in the Union Army, in his letters to friends at home, very clearly though unintentionally, expresses the average soldier's feeling about war and its utter futility. All he wanted was "to meet his rebel friends in peace." From three letters the following extracts are made:
 
Wilmington, North Carolina
March 3rd, 1865
 
Dear Cousin,
I am sorry that I could not answer your letter sooner but you must not think that it has been carelessly neglected, for I have written two letters and could not send them until they were too old to send, for our mail is not regular now and there are but few chances to get our letters off. But, cousin, I have but little news to tell you for we have got clear out of the world at last, or at least out of the civilized part of the world, for North Carolina is not inhabited by anything now but alligators and Negroes, with a few crocodiles. The country around Wilmington is nothing but a swamp. In fact, the whole state is nothing but swamps and sandy plains with no timber except pines. It is just the place to get lampblack. I wish you could have seen me the other day, for we had been on the march for several days through the swamps and at night lay down by a pine fire in the sand. I don't know but I guess you would have taken me to be an American citizen of a foreign descent, and I expect that we will be on the march again soon in the direction of Goldsboro, for our brigade has been released from post duty here by a brigade of the 24th Corps. Cousin, it looks like we are getting the Rebs in a terrible close place and if you don't do something for the Confederacy, it will go up the spout soon I think. I wish something could be done to stop the war and it will not stop until the Confederacy has played out and I fear that will be some time yet though at this time the prospect looks well for a speedy end to this war ....
 
 
Camp of 12th Ky. Vols. Infry., 1st Brig., 3rd Div., 23rd Army Corps, Goldsboro, North Carolina, March 23rd, 1865
 
My Dear Cousin,
This morning affords one the time and opportunity to answer your kind letter which I received the other day, but being under marching orders I could not write until our march was ended which was completed the 2nd day. We arrived here on the night of the 21st, General Sherman on the 23rd. On the arrival of the latter 15 guns were fired and three big cheers given them by the boys of the 23rd Corps and at 4 o'clock P. M. on the same day had a general review of the 23rd Corps. The talk is that our Division is to remain here for some time. I would be glad that it would be the case for I am tired of marching so much for I lost my pony as we came here and I have been afoot on all the marches since we have been in this state and we have traveled 200 miles; but I intend to get me a critter before long, then they may go when they see proper. I will not mind the march then unless they march at night.   I don't like to march after night.   I had always rather sleep 2 nights than march one. When we leave here I suppose we will go towards Richmond unless Mr. Lee starts us back towards Wilmington. I don't think that he can do that and hold Richmond for we have got a big army here now; the cars are running from here to Wilmington. A train has just arrived and I am looking for some mail from some of your Wayne folks ....
 
April 9, 1865..
 .... I will this evening try to write to you as this will be the last opportunity I will have for a few days as we will set out on another campaign tomorrow. I have no news that would suit you, that is of any importance for I know that the downfall of the Rebel Capital and the capture of 23,000 prisoners with 500 cannons would not be very interesting to you. General Lee is making for Danville, Va., where Jeff. Davis and his cabinet are. His men are deserting by thousands and going to their homes. General Grant is in pursuit. General Sherman will now wake up Mr. Johnson who is lying here close at hand with a good big fire.
You never heard the like of cheers as was given last night by our army. They kept it up all night. Shooting off guns and beating of drums, shooting sky rockets in the air. Brigadier General Riley left us for his home yesterday. He came to the Brigade, the regulars all got in line and he bade adieu to his old command. The brigade gave him nine cheers. I had almost forgot to tell you about us having preaching this evening. It was the first sermon I had heard for many a day. We will have preaching regular now as we have a chaplain in the brigade. His name is George W. Johnson. He is from Maysville. I expect that I have told you enough about the war for one time but I can't think of any thing else to write about. You say the Wayne Rebs are all exchanged. They had better stayed North awhile longer for they stand a good chance to be recaptured now. It may be that I will get to see them down here. I would like to see them very much if in peace but I don't want to see them other wise ....
 
August 9, 1865...
.... I will continue my letter over another sheet of paper as it was my good luck to get a letter from you last night.
I had just written you a letter yesterday and had it sealed and ready to send you this morning and as I got your letter last evening, I concluded to answer it and send two together. I have got no news to write and so I will just answer your questions as nigh as I can.
 Well, in the first place, you want to know if we have Atlanta yet. I will answer, no, and we ain't working much at it. We are trying to cut off the Macon Road; and are getting very close to the road but it may cost us more to go that short distance than it has to go several miles. I can hear the rebs cuss this morning very plain. They seem to be doing something; they are either leaving or reinforcing. I don't know which. For my part I wish they would leave for I am getting very tired of this campaign for it is the longest one I ever saw. I have been in it nearly two months and I am getting very tired of it and some have been in more than three months. In the second place, you want to know if we have any Negro Regiment down here. We have one that I saw. I don't know of any other. We have none in our department and I hope we may never have. You say that Uncle Abe has called for 500,000 more men and you want to know what we want with them as we have most got them whipped. Well, for myself, I don't think they are whipped and more than that I don't think they ever will give up under the present administration and all the hope I have is that McClellan will be our next President. You must vote for him for me and do all you can and if he is our next President I think all will soon be right again, but if we have an abolition president I don't believe we ever will have peace if we had every man in the North called out ... . —J. Castillo.
 _________
 
When the dread tocsin of war had echoed through the land, it struck two hearts in different keys. Two brothers said, "Good­bye," and one took his way to the North. The other went South. The mother watched them go with sadness in her heart, fearful yet hopeful that both would return. They did. When the bitter struggle was over, William McBeath came back in the resplendent uniform of a Major in the Federal Army. His brother Anthony trudged home in the tattered outfit of the defeated Con­federates.
William arrived first, and as good a dinner as could be pro­vided was prepared to celebrate his return. While they were seated at the table, they looked out and saw Anthony approaching
in his rags, with what was known as a "taterhill" hat on his head. This was too much for his sister, Susan. She burst into tears and ran, weeping, from the room.
These two young men symbolized the great struggle of brother against brother, that wracked the land for four long years. William was made Commandant of a fort in Wyoming, to guard against an Indian uprising. Anthony took upon himself the task of rehabilitation of his mother's farm.
Wayne County suffered lightly in comparison with some other sections. Some of the gallant lads, both Union and Confederate, never returned, but time passed, the horror was forgotten, life went on again in an even, uninterrupted stream.
There was no bitterness. Captain Tuttle, as long as he lived, jocularly referred to his friends who were Southern sympathizers as "Secesh," and their children were greeted humorously and hospitably as "Rebels." The Unionists, by the more rebellious Con­federates, were cheerfully denominated "Damyanks." But a more harmonious community would be hard to find, where common ties soon adjusted the differences of "the North and the South."
 
Transcribed by:  Frances Cooley

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