St. Tammany Parish, Louisiana
THE CHOCTAW OF BAYOU LACOMB

By David I. Bushnell, Jr.

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Habitat

St. Tammany parish, Louisiana, borders on the northern shore of Lake Pontchartrain and is bounded on the east by the State of Mississippi, from which it is separated by Pearl river.

In the southern part of the parish are many bayous that flow into Lake Pontchartrain. Extensive marshes and swamps are found between the bayous, in which flourish the magnolia, live oak, black gum, cypress, and palmetto, and vast quantities of Spanish moss hang from the branches of many trees. Back from the swamps and bayous, on slightly higher ground, is one unbroken stretch of forests of longleaf pine (pl. 1).

Deer, otter, and mink are still to be found; opossums, raccoons, squirrels, and rabbits are very numerous; and ducks, quail, and wild turkeys are killed in large numbers.

The climate is mild during the winter; there is but little frost, and rarely a few flakes of snow fall. The summers are long and hot. As a whole the section is very healthful.

At the present time the Choctaw have two settlements within the limits of the parish: one near Bayou Lacomb, the other at Pearl River station, on the right bank of the river, about twelve miles from its mouth. Only a few members, a mere remnant, of the tribe now live in this region.

HISTORY

Unfortunately very little is known of the history of the people of whom this paper treats.

The earliest writers, as well as the oldest maps of the region, designate the Acolapissa as the tribe occupying the region now included within the limits of St. Tammany parish, at the time of the discovery and settlement of lower Louisiana by the French.

The Acolapissa were so closely connected with the Choctaw proper that it is not possible now to distinguish between them. They spoke

the same language, probably with only slight local variations. Their manners and customs, in all probability, were similar to a great extent. ,'•, *•'.

One of the earliest definite references to the region is contained in the Relation .of/'Penicaut,0 touching on a period when there was a general movement among the Southern tribes. It is stated thus:

At this same time [1705] the Colapissas, who dwelt on a little river called Talcatcha, four leagues 'distant from the shore of Lake Pontchartrain, went to live on its banks at the place' named Castembayouque.

The.'river "Talcatcha " is the present Pearl river, and, as will be seen,

the. distance of the "Colapissas" village up the river from Lake

.Pontchartrain is the same as that of the present Choctaw settlement.

The Choctaw name of their own settlement is Hatcha, a name applied

'also to Pearl river. This name is clearly a contraction of the word

Talcatcha recorded by Penicaut.

Moving from Pearl river about the year 1705, the "Colapissas" went to "Castembayouque." Here, again, is a name similar to the present Choctaw designation of a bayou a few miles west of Bayou Lacomb. On the maps this is now designated Castine bayou; but to the Choctaw it is still known as Caste bayou, caste being the Choctaw word for "flea;" the bayou, they say, is thus named on account of the large number of fleas found near its mouth and on its banks.

On the Ross map of 1765, a small portion of which is reproduced in plate 2, the site of an old town of the "Colapissas" is indicated near the mouth of Pearl river, evidently too far south.

West of Pearl river, on the same map, is "Kefonctei R," the present Chefuncte river (from the Choctaw word for "chinkapin"). The short stream entering Lake Pontchartrain between the two rivers is evidently intended to represent Bayou Lacomb, as the location is correct.

The next river westward on the Ross map is the "Tanzipao," the present Tangipahoa, flowing through the parish of the same name, which bounds St. Tammany parish on the west. The name is derived from the two Choctaw words, tonche, "corn," and pahoha, "cob" or "inside;" it was literally translated by them "corncob."

During his extended tour through the southern part of the country Bartram traversed Lake Pontchartrain, to which he makes the following reference

Next day [circa June, 1777] early we got under way, pursuing our former course, nearly Westward; keeping the North shore [of Pontchartrain] several leagues . . . [we] set sail again, and came up to the mouth of the beautiful Taensapaoa, which takes that name from a nation of Indians, who formerly possessed the territories lying on its banks, which are fertile and delightful regions.

The identity of the Tangipahoa tribe has not been clearly established, although there is no question that they belonged to the same linguistic stock as the Acolapissa and the Choctaw; all were practically the same people, and they may even have constituted one of the component bands of the Acolapissa. They are said to have been destroyed about the time of the arrival of the French in lower Louisiana." Until a few years ago more than one hundred Choctaw lived in the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb, Bayou Castine, and near the Chefuncte river; but by act of Congress of July 1, 1902, they were persuaded to remove to the Indian Territory and receive an allotment of land. The settlement on Bayou Castine, not far east of Mandeville, may have been on the site of the village of the " Colapissas" on "Castembayouque," mentioned by Penicaut.

From this brief sketch it will be seen that ever since the discovery of that part of Louisiana by the French, the northern shore of Lake Pontchartrain has been occupied by tribes of the Muskhogean stock. At the present time it is not possible to determine whether the Indians living at Bayou Lacomb are descendants of the Acolapissa, or whether they represent a small offshoot from the main Choctaw tribe. According to the beliefs and statements of these Indians, their ancestors lived in that place for many generations. The present inhabitants know the locations of, and point out, their ancient burying grounds, where, they say, the "old people" for five or six generations are known to have been interred. It is not at all improbable that the present Indians are Acolapissa rather than Choctaw; then again, they may represent both tribes. The Choctaw villages were probably never far distant from some of those belonging to the Acolapissa and, as all spoke the same language, there must have been considerable intercourse between them.

As has been shown, one people has occupied the area under consideration ever since it became known to the European; consequently it is reasonable to attribute to the same tribes the prehistoric remains found in that locality, none of which, however, gives evidence of great antiquity.

EVIDENCES OF EARLY OCCUPANCY

Several mounds are found within the area now under consideration. The largest of these (pl. 3) is situated about 200 yards north of the right bank of Chinchuba creek, and about 1 J miles in a direct line north of Lake Pontchartrain. The mound has an elevation of between 4 and 5 feet; it is circular in form and has an average diameter of approximately 90 feet.

» Dr. J. E. Swanton, in forthcoming Bulletin 43 of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Indian Tribes of the Lower Mississippi Valley and Northern Coast of the Gulf of Mexico, gives a description of the tribes and the history, so far as known, of their movements.

A trench was run from near the center of the mound, extending northeast 47 feet and continuing beyond the edge of the artificial work (fig. 1). This was evidently a domiciliary mound. Two fire beds were discovered. The first (a), near the center of the mound, had a diameter of a trifle more than 2 feet; it was slightly concave in form and was situated at a depth of 15 inches below the surface of the mound. The second fire bed (b) was discovered near the edge of the artificial work, evidently on or near the original surface; this was similar to a in form, size, and situation, but sloped toward the northeast. Both fire beds showed evidence of considerable use. As a result of the heat, the earth was discolored to a depth of from 6 to 8 inches beneath the surface of the hearth, and to a depth of several inches it had become quite hard.

The mound was formed of a compact, homogeneous mass of clay and sand. There was practically no surface soil or vegetal mold, consequently it was not possible to trace the old sod line, and thus to distinguish the artificial from the natural formation.

Fig. 1.—Section of mound excavation.

A deposit of shells (c) was revealed a short distance from fire bed b, as shown in the drawing; this extended in a general direction from northwest to southeast and was examined for a distance of 10 feet. At the point of intersection by the trench the mass of shells lay from 2J to 4 feet below the surface of the mound. The width of the deposit was about 4J feet and its thickness 10 inches.

For reasons stated above, it was not possible to determine whether the shells rested upon the original surface or filled an artificial excavation. They appeared, however, to be below the original surface, as indicated on the drawing.

The shells were those of an edible clam (Rangia cuneata Gray) found in vast quantities in Lake Pontchartrain. Intermingled with the shells were quantities of bones of deer, rabbits, and alligators,0 that had served as food, many having been broken open for the removal of the marrow. Fragments of many pottery vessels also were recovered, but no entire objects of any sort were found, nor was a single piece of stone discovered in any part of the excavation.

a These were identified by Dr. M. W. Lyon, Jr., of the U. S. National Museum, to whom the writer desires to express his indebtedness.

Examples of pottery from the shell deposit are shown in plate 4. Some of the pieces may be described as follows:

(a, b) Fragments of two vessels showing decoration on the inner, or concave, surfaces—a rather unusual form, probably similar to the shallow dish discovered by Moore in a mound on Black Warrior river, Alabama." (c) Two pieces of a large vessel. These had evidently been held together by a cord or sinew passed through the two perforations and tied. The fracture between the perforations occurred while the vessel was still in use. (d) A fragment of a very large and exceptionally well decorated vessel. The straight upper edge of this piece measures 3J inches. By measurement the curvature of the rim shows the vessel to have been between 23 and 24 inches in diameter. The color is dark gray; the surface is very smooth and polished. The decoration was probably incised after the clay was dry, but before the vessel was fired. Smaller fragments of the same vessel were also discovered, (e) Small fragment of a rim of a rather large vessel, having a perforated projection through which a cord was probably passed. (/) A conventionalized form of (g) showing a projection, but no longer perforated.

Although some of the pieces represent jars and vessels of exceptionally good workmanship, the majority appear to have been rather crudely made and decorated. Both straight and curved lines appear in the ornamentation; these were evidently added after the clay had become dry. But the pits in specimens g, h, and i clearly were made while the material was in a plastic state.

All the pottery shows a tempering of finely pulverized shell.

The pipe (pl. 5, a) was the most interesting object found in the shell deposit. According to Mr. J. D. McGuire, this belongs to the oldest type of pipe found in the lower Mississippi valley; under his classification it is of the biconical form, similar to the modern Choctaw pipes shown in plate 14. The maximum diameter of the bowl is If inches; it is rather shallow, being only I of an inch deep.

As has already been stated, no examples of stone objects were discovered in the mound, although these are found in the surrounding country. A piece of indurated clay (pl. 5, 6), however, showing evidence of having been used, probably as a smoother, was unearthed in the deposit of shells. Typical examples of stone objects are represented on the same plate, namely: four points (c, d, e, f) found a short distance south of the mound; two scrapers (g, i) made of red jasper, found on the surface south of the mound; a jasper bead (A) having a biconical perforation; and three pieces, k, I, m, found

on the shore of Lake Pontchartrain. A high polish has resulted from the action of the sand and water. Arrow points of white quartzite have also been found in the locality, but these were probably made far to the northeast. Small grooved axes are likewise met with, but they are quite rare. The jasper of which the specimens figured were made was obtained in the form of pebbles from the beds of certain streams in St. Tammany parish.

South and east of the mound referred to above, for a distance of 200 feet or more, the surface was covered with shells of the kind mentioned (Rangia cuneata Gray) to a depth of from 4 to 8 inches. Intermingled with the shells were fragments of pottery and traces of bones, greatly decayed. A similar deposit was encountered on the opposite side of Chinchuba creek, near the great live oak commonly called "Pere Kouquette's oak" (pl. 6). Some shells and a few pieces of pottery were found exposed upon the surface beneath the branches of the oak, on the very spot where the Choctaw were wont to gather to hear the teachings of Pere Rouquette. These latter examples of pottery and likewise the shells appear to be of comparatively recent origin, and were undoubtedly left there by the Choctaw not more than one or two generations ago. As the pottery is similar to that found in the deposit of shells beneath the mound, all should probably be attributed to the same people.

Several burials are said to have been discovered in a low mound a short distance west of the Chinchuba mound. The work is reputed to have been done some years ago; but the writer was unable to gain any definite information respecting it.

Place Names In St. Tammany Parish

As before shown, certain names still in use were known and applied to the streams at the time of the earliest French exploration of the region. Therefore it is not unreasonable to suppose that many, if not all, of the names now employed by the Choctaw to designate the rivers and bayous were used in precolonial days.

The names are given here as they appear on the maps of the United States General Land Office, together with the English translations.

Abita.—The name of a spring, and also of a river which is one of the principal tributaries of the Chefuncte river. The meaning of this word is not known to the Choctaw. They say that an old man who called himself Abeta' came from far away and made his home near the spring. But this happened many years ago, and no Indian now living ever saw him. They insist that abita is not a Choctaw word. The name at once suggests the Abixka of the Upper Creeks, and may have been derived from that source. The man who took up his abode near the spring may have been a Creek.

Bayou Castine.—The Creoles claim the name was derived from Castagne, the name of an early French settler. But the Choctaw say it was taken from their name of the bayou, Caste ("fleas"), so named on account of the large number of fleas found there. Now, as the name has been shown to have been in use when the French first entered the region, we should accept the Choctaw explanation as probably correct.

Chinchuba creek.—Given the same name by the Choctaw. Chinchuba in the Choctaw language means "alligator."

Chefuncte river.—Known by the same name by the Choctaw, the word meaning "chinkapin" (Castanea pumila).

Ponchitoawa creek.—The same in Choctaw. The word is translated "singing hair."

Bogue Falaya.—From the Choctaw bogu, "river," and falaya, "long."

Cane bayou.—Known to the Choctaw as chela'ha, "noisy;" said by them to be so named on account of the noise caused by the wind blowing through the canes.

Bayou Lacomb.—Called by the Choctaw butchu'wa, "squeezing." Their settlement is also known by the same name.

Pearl river.—Known to the Choctaw at the present time as Hatcha. The same name is applied to the settlement.

Lake Pontchartrain.—The Choctaw name for the lake, as well as for any wide expanse of water, is Okwa'ta (okwa=water, the suffix ta meaning "large" or "wide"). The name of the Gulf of Mexico, as given on the Lamhatty map of 1707,° is Ouquodky.

MATERIAL CULTURE
Habitations

The primitive habitations of the Choctaw who lived on the north shore of Pontchartrain are described as having been of two types, circular and rectangular. The frames were formed of small saplings; the tops and sides were constructed of palmetto thatch.6

According to the present inhabitants, many of the circular houses were large, affording shelter for many persons. Only one door was made, this in most cases facing the south. A fire was kindled on the ground within the lodge, the smoke passing out through an opening made for the purpose at the top near the center.

The later form of habitation is shown in plate 12, b. It will be seen that the sides, formed of thin planks, are arranged in the same way as the palmetto thatch of former days.

REF:

a.  American Anthropologist, n. s., X, no. 4, 570, 1908.

b. A house of this kind is pictured in plate 3, from a photograph taken near Mandeville, St. Tammany parish, about 1879, which was secured by the late Dr. A. S. Gatschet. The palmetto house is said to have been in use within the last ten years.

7840—Bull. 48-09 2

arrow heads  

Food: Supply And Preparation

Unfortunately, comparatively few of the articles of food used by the primitive Choctaw are known to the members of the tribe of whom this paper treats. They are able to give, however, the names of a few plants that are even now used.

Ahe (Smilax laurifolia).—The hard bulbous roots are pounded fine, a small amount of water is added if necessary, and the paste is made into small cakes, which are fried in grease. The Choctaw say that formerly bear's grease was always used for this purpose. Ahe is spoken of as haying been one of their favorite foods.

Ahelo'sa (Phaseolus diversifolius).—The roots are first thoroughly boiled, then mashed, and served as food.

Nuse (acorns of the Quercus aquatica).—These acorns were pounded in a wooden mortar until fine. The meal was then put into an openwork basket and water was poured through several times. It was then boiled or used as cornmeal.

Okesok (nuts of the Juglans squamosa).—The nuts were cracked and the meat was removed. When a sufficient quantity had been obtained, the meat was pounded and made into a paste, which was beaten up in a small quantity of boiling water. The mixture was then eaten as a broth or soup.

Kombo ashish.—The leaves of Lauras sassafras are gathered during the autumn, usually about the middle of October, after they have turned red. They are thoroughly dried in the sun and air, without the use of artificial heat. They are then pounded in a wooden mortar until reduced to a very fine powder, which is sifted to remove all hard particles. The powder is again placed in the mortar and pounded until as fine as it can be made, when it is ready for use. About a teaspoonful of this powder added to a kettle of soup gives it a glutinous quality and the flavor also is relished. This powder is highly prized by the Creoles of Louisiana.

Tonche (Zea mays).—Corn is allowed to ripen and harden on the cob; then it is removed and dried thoroughly over hot ashes. Next, it is put into a wooden mortar (kite), plate 7, and pounded with a wooden pestle (Jcetoke), plate 8, after which it is placed in a winnowing basket (obfko'), plate 9. The obfko' is held horizontal, with the flat edge away from the operator; it is jerked back and forth, up and down, thereby throwing the crushed grain a foot or more into the air. The lighter particles are carried off and fall into the large flat basket (tapa), plate 9, resting on the ground. The portion of the grain remaining in the obfko' is again pounded in the mortar and subsequently passed through a sieve (ishsho'ha), plate 9. The fine particles that pass through the sieve are known as botu; the coarser portion remaining in the sieve is called tordache. Much of the botu was parched and eaten mixed with water; but most of the coarser tonlache was boiled either with or without meat. Corn is said to have been extensively raised by the Choctaw during past years. Beans and potatoes were also raised, but no other vegetables are remembered.

Wild crabapples are gathered and dried on a frame arranged over a bed of hot ashes and coals. This appears to be the only fruit that is preserved in any manner and kept for future use. Many kinds of haws and berries grow in great quantities in the vicinity of Bayou Lacomb, but it is said they are never dried, being eaten only when fresh.

Honoshe (rice).—The Choctaw have a very simple method of preparing rice. After being gathered and dried, it is pounded in a wooden mortar (kite), with a wooden pestle Qcetoke), care being taken not to crush the grain more than can be avoided. Next the chaff is removed by shaking the grain up and down in a winnowing basket (obfko'), the chaff falling into the large tapa. If all the husks are not loosened during the first pounding, the grain is again pounded in the mortar and later winnowed. It is then sifted to remove the broken grains, and afterward washed and dried.

Game was formerly abundant throughout lower Louisiana and venison and bear's meat were important articles of food, either fresh or dried. The Choctaw method of preserving meat may be described as follows: Thin strips were hung on sticks or spread over a frame, or in the thick smoke from a fire on which green or wet wood had been placed. Meat thus prepared during the cold months would remain good throughout the following spring and summer. Large quantities were formerly prepared in this way. Pork is now similarly treated.

As they live where fish are abundant and easily caught, it is remarkable that the Choctaw seldom, if ever, eat them. At times, however, large trout and shrimp were dried in the sun for future use.

As before stated, a large area surrounding the mound near Chinchuba, and also in the vicinity of Pere Rouquette's last chapel, is covered with the shells of the Rangia cuneata Gray, these clams having been brought up the creek from the shore of Lake Pontchartrain. That they constituted an important article of food is evident from the vast quantity of shells found mixed with charcoal, broken pottery, and many bones of turkey, deer, and other animals, none of which appear to be very ancient, and which consequently must have been left by the Choctaw. The women at Bayou Lacomb say, however, they have never eaten clams, although the "old people" may have done so. The present natives know of the accumulated mass of shells, and as they are scattered over the site of one of their old settlements they express the opinion that the shells must have been gathered by the Choctaw ("the old people") who lived there.

Ilex cassine.—This grows throughout the region and some specimens were found near Bayou Lacomb, but the Choctaw have no knowledge of a tea ever having been made of it. This is rather remarkable as the plant was formerly so extensively used by the Southern tribes.

Dress And Personal Decoration

Hair

Men wore their hair long enough to enable them to make two braids, one on each side of the head. In front the hair was cut straight across, above the eyebrows. Women allowed their hair to grow very long. Their ancient method of wearing it is shown in the photograph of the old woman,

Heleema (Louisa), plate 10.

 

choctaw Hair

PAINTING

Both men and women painted, especially when dressed for dancing. The women remember having seen blue, red, yellow, and green used on their faces. They say there were no special designs and that no combination of colors had any meaning. One of the favorite patterns, the only one they remember, was a yellow crescent, outlined with blue, that was painted on both cheeks. This was used by both men and women and represented a new moon in the dark blue sky.

TATTOOING

Tattooing (hanchahale) was practised by both men and women, but only to a very limited extent. An old woman who died a few years ago is said to have had lines of tattooing extending from the corners of her mouth across both cheeks to her ears. According to the writer's informants, no totemic devices were ever represented, and tattooing was done only as a means of ornamenting the face. In some cases the shoulders were tattooed, but no other part of the body. The method of tattooing practised was as follows: A needle was used to puncture the skin and soot caused by a fire of yellow pine was rubbed over the surface. This was then wiped off and more soot rubbed in, to make certain that all the punctures were filled. The soot gave a bluish tinge to the dots. No other substance or color was ever employed.

ORNAMENTS

Quantities of glass beads and much bright-colored ribbon are said to have been obtained from the traders. The Choctaw are very

fond of bright and gaudy colors. Among the older men are remembered several who were experts in the art of making silver ornaments. One small pin is shown in plate 14; this was made from a silver dime and the date 1856 still may be clearly read on the back. Larger ornaments were made from larger coins. Pendant earrings were also fashioned, having glass beads attached to the lower part. When dancing, the men often wore strings of small brass bells around each leg, below the knee. These bells were highly prized by the older generation. Feathers do not seem to have been held in great esteem, although they were worn.

Artifacts

Comparatively few articles are now made by the Choctaw, much of their ancient art having been forgotten. At the present time they purchase the necessary tools and implements at the stores, and other objects are no longer used.

The list which follows is believed to include all things of native origin now made by the Choctaw at Bayou Lacomb:

WOOD

Mortars and pestles (see pp. 8, 9).

Scrapers, two forms of, used in preparing skins (see pp. 11, 12).

Drum (see p. 22).

Ball club (see p. 20).

Blowgun and darts (see p. 18).

Canoes (see p. 18).

STONE

Pieces of chert or jasper are sometimes used with a steel to "strike fire."

LEATHER

Straps for carrying baskets.
Narrow strips used on the ball clubs.
Untanned skins used for the heads of drums.

Long strips of tanned deer skin used as lashes for whips by the drivers of ox teams employed in the lumber industry. The Choctaw method of tanning is as follows:

(a) Skins to be tanned soft, without the hair. A hole is dug in the ground, its size being determined by the number of skins to be prepared. The walls and bottom are made smooth and water is poured in, which, on account of the nature of the clay and sand formation, remains several hours. The skins are then put into the water, where they are allowed to remain several hours, or sometimes during the night. A hole filled with water, containing several skins, is shown beneath the ax handle in plate 11, a.

After the skin has become sufficiently soaked and softened, it is taken from the water and spread over the end of a beam, as shown in plate 11, a. In this position the hair is readily removed by the use of an instrument resembling a modern drawknife, and, although a piece of metal is now used in the wooden handle, it is highly probable that stone or bone was formerly employed for the same purpose.

The hair having been removed, the skin is placed in a mortar, or in a hole cut in a log (see pl. 11, 6) which serves the purpose. Eggs and cornmeal mixed with a little water are then poured over the skin, which is thoroughly beaten with a long wooden pestle.

The skin is then taken from the mortar and wrung rather dry; a number of small holes are cut around the edge and through these cords are passed, which serve to hold the skin stretched between two upright posts, as shown in plate 12, a. While in this position it is scraped and all particles of flesh are removed. The instrument now employed consists of a piece of metal attached to a long wooden handle. A large bone probably served as the primitive implement.

The skin remains stretched, until dry, when it is, of course, rather stiff. To soften it, the skin is pulled back and forth over the top of a stake driven into the ground, which has been made smooth and round to prevent tearing the skin (see pl. 12, a, on the right).

This process of tanning renders the skin soft and white. The Choctaw claim that it is a very ancient method of preparing skins. Eggs of various kinds, they say, are used with equally good results. The method described, including the use of corn and eggs, may have been followed by all the Southern tribes.

Lawson,a in writing of the Indians of Carolina more than two centuries ago, referred to their use of "young indian corn, beaten to a pulp," in the place of the brains of animals, in preparing skins. "Young indian corn" would probably have about the same effect as the mixture of eggs and cornmeal.

If the skins are to be smoked, a process that renders them more durable, a hole a foot or more in depth is dug in which a fire is kept until a bed of hot ashes accumulates. On this are put pieces of rotten oak, no other wood being used for this purpose; these are not permitted to blaze, as the more smoke that arises the better it is for the skins. These, already tanned soft and white and perfectly dry, are stretched over the hole and allowed to remain in the smoke an hour or more.

(6) Skins to be tanned soft, with the hair remaining. If the skin is dry and stiff it is first softened with clear water, after which it is spread over a beam and scraped on the inner surface to remove all flesh. The inside is then thoroughly rubbed with a mixture of eggs, cornmeal, and water, great care being taken not to wet the outside, or fur. When the skin is about dry, it is pulled and worked back and forth over the top of a stake, as already explained, after which it remains soft.

POTTERY

Pipes (ashun'kwa) are still made and used by the Choctaw. Two specimens fashioned by Ahojeobe (EmilJohn), plate 13, are shown in plate 14. These are made of a white clay that outcrops in certain places beneath the superstratum of yellow clay and sand along the banks of the bayous. There is no tempering of sand or pulverized shell, only the clay being used.

The clay is moistened and kneaded until the mass is uniformly damp throughout. The pipe is then modeled and allowed to dry. The incised decoration is added before the pipe is burned in a bed of hot ashes and glowing coals. When thoroughly burned it turns rather dark in color, whereupon it is removed from the fire and immediately immersed in a bowl of grease, which is absorbed by the clay and carbonized by the intense heat. This process causes the pottery to turn black and also adds a certain luster to the surface.

a The History of Carolina, London, 1714; reprint, 339, Raleigh, 1860.

Herein probably is to be found the explanation of the origin of the rich black ware obtained from mounds and burials in Louisiana and Mississippi.

The use of white clay by the Choctaw is in harmony with a statement made by Lawson a concerning the Indians of Carolina, about the year 1690: "Where they find a vein of white clay, fit for their purpose, [they] make tobacco pipes."

The Choctaw have a strange superstitious belief in connection with the making of pottery. They say that no person except the one who is making the object should see it until after it has been removed from the fire. If another person chances to look on an object while it is being made or before it is burned, the Choctaw believe that it will crack as soon as placed near the fire.

Pottery bowls are no longer made, although they are remembered by the living Indians, who recall having seen bowls provided with three small feet; consequently bowls must have been in use only a short time ago.

HORN

Spoons are made by the Choctaw from cow horns (wale lape'she sti'mpa; literally, cow horn spoon).

Two good examples are represented in plate 14.

In describing the manners and customs of the Choctaw, Adair6 alluded to "their wooden dishes, and spoons made of wood and buffalo horn;" consequently the making of spoons is a continuation of an ancient art.

BASKETS

The Choctaw are excellent basket makers, although their work at the present time is greatly inferior to that of a generation ago. The best baskets are made of narrow strips of cane, Arundinaria macrosperma (Choctaw, uske), though now, at Bayou Lacomb, they are using the stems of palmetto, Serrenoa serrulata (Choctaw, tola), as cane is no longer found near-by, and to obtain it a journey has to be made to Pearl river, some fifteen or twenty miles away.

The baskets now made, with few exceptions, are very crude and rather poorly formed. Brilliant aniline dyes are used in the place of the more subdued native colors. Large numbers of small baskets provided with handles are made and exchanged in the stores of the near-by towns for various goods; these are purchased by strangers and taken away as examples of native art.

boy in basket

Ref

a The History of Carolina, London, 1714; reprint, 338, Raleigh, 1860. 'James Adair, History of tho American Indians. . . 421, London, 1775.

Dyes

The only colors utilized by the Choctaw before they obtained aniline dyes were yellow, red, and black. These, together with the natural cane, gave them four colors to combine in their work.

The old Cherokee basket now in the British Museum, known to have been obtained in Carolina in 1721, displays the same colors— yellow, red, and a very dark brown, or black. It is evident that these were the only colors used by the Southern Indians in their basket work.

The Choctaw method of making the dye and coloring the material is simple.

Yellow.—To make a yellow dye they gather a quantity of roots of the Rumex crispus L. (yellow dock), which when dry are reduced to small pieces by pounding in a wooden mortar. The dye is then extracted by boiling in water. The material to be dyed is placed in the infusion and allowed to boil until the desired color is obtained.

Red.—Equal parts of the bark of the Quercus texana (red oak) and the Nyssa aquatica L. (black gum) are burned to a fine ash. Water is then added to the ashes, forming a thick paste. The material previously dyed yellow, as above described, is then placed in a vessel and the ash paste poured over it. After a few hours the strong alkali turns the yellow to a deep red. The intensity of the color depends on the length of time the material remains in the ashes. If, during the first process, the material is dyed dark orange, the application of the paste causes it to turn reddish purple.

Black or dark brown.—At the present time the Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb do not make a black or dark brown dye. They claim, however, that the "old people" made such a dye from the bark of a tree that grows in the north but not in this region, referring probably to the walnut.

In addition to the dyes enumerated above the Choctaw make and use a red paint, but this is seldom applied to baskets. It is made thus: Equal parts of the bark of the Quercus texana (red oak) and the Quercus obtusiloba (post oak) and a smaller quantity of the bark of the Quercus virens (live oak) are boiled together until the liquid begins to thicken. The bark is then removed and the liquid is again boiled until still thicker. Just before removing the mixture from the fire a small piece of yellow pine pitch is added and, when melted, is thoroughly mixed with the extract. The latter is then removed from the fire and is ready for use. The drum (pl. 7) was decorated with paint of this sort.

Types

Kishe' (packbasket), plates 15, 16. The bottom is rectangular; the top flares on two sides. Extreme height, 21 inches. Made entirely of natural colored cane, no dyes being used. The strap (aseta) passes through four loops of the cane, as are shown in the illustration. This particular basket was made at Bayou Lacomb about five years ago by Pisatuntema (Emma), plate 17.

Taposhdke shakapa (basket elbow [shape]).—A very old specimen of this peculiar basket is shown in plate 18. This is made of cane, some parts being colored yellow and red with native dyes.

Taposhdke chufa (basket pointed).—A typical specimen is shown in plate 18. This is claimed by the Choctaw to be one of the oldest forms made by them.

Covered baskets.—These are no longer made, although they are remembered by women as they were fashioned a generation ago. Two examples are here shown: (a) Plate 19, a. This is a very large double basket, formed of two distinct thicknesses of cane; the lower part is 18 inches in height. The basket is rectangular in form. The cover is about 5 inches in depth. The ornamentation is formed of canes dyed red and yellow. The specimen is a rare example of Choctaw basketry, (b) Plate 19, b. A very old basket of Choctaw make. This is a double weave, made entirely of natural colored cane, no dyes having been used. The dimensions are: Length, 8\ in.; width, 4 in.; depth, 5 in.

Another form of basket, no longer made but formerly common, was designed to hang on the wall. The basket proper was rectangular or slightly oval in shape. One side extended 8 or 10 inches above the other and was provided with a loop at the top, by means of which the basket was suspended from a nail or peg.

The sieve, winnowing basket, and large flat basket, or tapa, are described in the section treating of the preparation of food (pp. 8, 9).

The Choctaw at Bayou Lacomb have no knowledge of mats ever having been made or used in their tribe.

CORDS

Narrow strips of the bark of -the cypress tree (Cupressus disticha; Choctaw, shamgo'lo) serve as cords, which are employed for various purposes. Spanish moss was never used to make ropes.

Metai.

Ornaments, as pins, earrings, etc., were formerly made by hammering silver coins until they became thin and then perforating them in various designs.

SOCIAL CULTURE

It is interesting to know that many of the primitive beliefs and customs of the people here dealt with have persisted to the present day, notwithstanding the fact that the Choctaw have been in close

contact with Europeans for about two centuries, and under the direct influence of Christian missionaries for several generations.

The Tribe

By the people of the tribe, or, more correctly, that portion of the tribe now under consideration, they themselves are called the Chata' ogla or the Chata' people or family. According to them, the first word can not be translated as it is merely a proper name.

The great tribe is divided into many distinct subdivisions, each of which has a special name. The oldest male member of each subtribe, or subdivision, of the great tribe, was the recognized leader or chief of that division or family. These leaders were the ones to be consulted whenever advice was required, and, as will be seen later, they played an important part in the marriage ceremony of the tribe. The subdivisions of the tribe were numerous and no two members of the same division (ogla) were allowed to marry.

The divisions known to have lived in this region are:

Kasha'pa ogla, or the Half people.—They lived at Bayou Lacomb and the remnant of the tribe now dwelling there belong to this division. The name of the village was Butchu'wa.

Shatje ogla, or the Crayfish people.—The home of this family was near Chinchuba, some twelve miles west of Bayou Lacomb. Toshkachlto (pl. 20) is said to be the last member of the family.

Inhulata ogla, or the Prairie people.—This was considered the largest and probably the most important division of the Choctaw Living in the region. Their principal settlement, Hatcha, was located on Pearl river.

Other divisions, known by the people at Bayou Lacomb to have lived in the country a short distance northward, are:

Tula'iksa' ogla, or Fall-in-bunches people.

Ohufaiksa' ogla, or Bunches-of-flies people.

Shunkwane ogla, or Ant people.

Hanna'le ogla, or Six people.

Unfortunately the people at Bayou Lacomb know very little respecting the tribal organization and customs.

Brief List Of Words Used By The Choctaw At Bavoit Lacomb The Divisions Of The Year

Arrow       ina'' ke

basket      taposhake

It is asserted by the women at Bayou Lacomb that the Choctaw year was divided into twelve moons; but it is highly probable that thirteen—not twelve—is correct. The native method of reckoning the divisions of the year is no longer practised, nor do the present Choctaw remember the names of all the moons; they assert, however, that the year begins in December instead of the first of January. The only names they can recall are:

December Una'fa liashe, Cold moon.

February Hashe Icapo'sha, Moon of snow.

March Hash'mdhale, Moon of wind.

April Tans hashe, Corn [planting] moon.

July Hash' luwak, Moon of fire.

The year is divided into two seasons, which in turn are subdivided, making four seasons in all:

Spring Tofa ape.

Summer Tofa laspa.

Autumn Unafa ape.

Winter Unafa kapese.

Beliefs Concerning Eclipses

Eclipse of the sun, ashe dklelega ("sun dark or dirty"). The Choctaw say that since the sun works every day he becomes dirty and smoked from the great fire within. It is necessary therefore for him to rest and clean himself, after doing which he shines the brighter. During the eclipse he is removing the accumulated dirt.

A similar explanation applies to the dark of the moon, their term being:

ninaahukwa oMelega, lcoshsholeje, or
moon dark or dirty, cleaning

Beliefs Concerning Thunder And Lightning

Thunder and lightning are to the Choctaw two great birds—Thunder (Heloha), the female; Lightning (Mala'tha), the male. When they hear a great noise in the clouds, Heloha is laying an egg, "just like a bird," in the cloud, which is her nest. When a tree is shattered the result is said to have been caused by Mala'tha, the male, he being the stronger; but when a tree is only slightly damaged, the effect is attributed to Heloha, the weaker.

Great trouble or even war was supposed to follow the sight of a comet.

Section II


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