CHAPTER X.
VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
"A Battle Royal"
The Coast of Maine.
Naturally during this battle royal for free fishing, the Council for New England, notwithstanding its new Charter privileges, was not making any progress in establishing settlements upon the Maine coast.
In fact, as has already appeared, the affairs of the Council were in a very languishing condition. Its members, or, more accurately, some of its members, including Gorges, were still considering plans for obtaining funds with which to advance colony planting; but their schemes1 were not received with favor.
Indeed, while they were being put forth, "and likely to have taken a good foundation", says the Council, "the news of the Parliament flew to all parts, and then the most factious of every place presently combined themselves to follow the business in Parliament, where they presumed to prove the same to be a monopoly and much tending to the prejudice of the common good".2
The settlement upon the river, Sagadahoc.
One of these schemes had reference to a settlement forty miles square, "the most convenient upon the river Sagadahoc", to be called the "State County", the city and county to be equally divided amongst the patentees, who shall cast lots for their serveral shares".3 It was evidently a dream of Gorges of which the reader will be reminded at a later period, in Sir Ferdinando's fortunes, when, upon the foundation of Agamenticus, he sought to rear the elaborate structure of Gorgeana. The "State County" on the Kennebec was a dream and a dream only.
Footnotes.
1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine,I, 222, 223.
2. Ib., I, 224.
3. Records of the Council for New England in Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, April 24, 1867, 84, 85. "As for the name of the city, the Council will be humble petitioners unto the King's Majesty to give the same."
p.161 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
No evidence that English Settlers had foothold on any part of the coast of Maine in 1622.
Indeed, up to this time, 1622, there is no evidence whatever that English settlers had gained a single foothold on any part of what is now the coast of Maine. Extravagant claims have been made, especially in behalf of Pemaquid, but an examination of of these claims reveals their worthlessness. They have been well summarized in these words: "It is alleged that Englishmen made seizure of its (Pemaquid) soil, and introduced colonial life a dozen years anterior to the patent of John Pierce - 1621.
INSERT.
Wikipedia: Kennebec River
The Kennebec River - just south of Bath
Origin Moosehead Lake
Mouth Gulf of Maine, North Atlantic Ocean
Basin countries United States
Length 149 mi (240 km)
The course of the Kennebec River
The Kennebec River is a river, 150 mi (240 km) long, in the state of Maine in the northeastern United States. It rises in Moosehead Lake in west central Maine. The East and West Outlets join at Indian Pond and the river then flows southward where it is joined, at the The Forks by the Dead River, also called the West Branch then continues southward past the cities of Madison, Skowhegan, Waterville, and the state capital Augusta. At Richmond, it flows into Merrymeeting Bay, a 16 mi (26 km) long freshwater, tidal bay into which also flow the Androscoggin River and five other smaller rivers. The Kennebec then runs past the shipbuilding center of Bath, thence to the Gulf of Maine in the Atlantic Ocean. Ocean tides affect the river height as far north as Augusta. Tributaries of the Kennebec River include the Carrabassett River, Sandy River, and Sebasticook River.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
By rare power of vision, a ship was seen to enter St. John's Bay; a withered colony was landed, planted and so nursed and guarded as to maintain life. Errant fancy on wings of theory, gathering dismembered facts, has built up a showy fabric, though unsubstantial."1
In support of this claim of an early settlement at Pemaquid it is said that there were "granaries" there, and accordingly settlers, from whom the Pilgrims received supplies in a time of food distress. The reference is to the conditions at Plymouth in 1622.
DAMARISCOVE ISLAND, NEAR MONHEGAN.
The Pilgrims were in need, and their pressing necessities were met, but not from "granaries" at Pemaquid. Both Bradford and Winslow tell the story, the latter in greater fulness, as he was the one who secured the supplies that relieved the distress of the Pilgrims. "It was about the end of May, 1622", he writes, "at which time our store of victuals was wholly spent having lived long before with a bare and short allowance". In this exigency it was suggested to the sufferers that help might be received from the fishing vessels at the eastward; and at the request of the Governor, Winslow proceeded thither, finding at Damariscove Island, near Monhegan, "above thirty sail of ships".
From the masters of these English fishing vessels, Winslow received kind entertainment, he says, and generous food supplies. Payment for these, the ship Masters declined, doing "what they could freely, wishing their store had been such as they might in greater measure have expressed their own love, and supplied our necessities; for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to the utmost of their abiliti -
Footnote.
1. Thayer, Maine Historical Society's Collection, Series II, 6, 64, 65.
p.162 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ties, which, although it was not much amongst so many a people as were at the plantation, yet through the provident and discreet care of the Governor, recovered and preserved strength till our own crop on the ground was ready."1 In this narrative of the transaction, by the principal character in it, there is no mention of Pemaquid.
SUPPLIES GIVEN TO WINSLOW WERE FROM ENGLISH FISHING VESSELS.
In fact, there was at that time no English settlement at Pemaquid, and therefore no "granaries", or anything else indicat- English occupation. The supplies Winslow received came from England, in English fishing vessels, as the narrative cleary shows, and the Masters of those vessels should not be robbed of the beautiful tribute that Winslow gratefully, lovingly pays to them.
JOHN WINCOB.
When the Pilgrims at Leyden decided to leave the old world for the new, it was their purpose to make their settlement within the limits of the South Virginia company, "at some place about Hudson's River". Accordingly, a patent in their interest, but in the name of John Wincob, was secured from that company, Feb. 2, 1619. On approaching the American coast, the ship, Mayflower, having made her landfall at Cape Cod, stood southward in order to proceed to her destination; but the vessel falling "amongst dangerous shoals and roaring breakers - and the wind shrinking upon them withal, they resolved to bear up again for the Cape", and came to anchor on the following day in the Cape harbor.2 Making their settlement at length at Plymouth, within the limits of the territory of the Council for New England, their patent became void, and on the return of the Mayflower to England, at their request, a new patent in their interest, and with Gorges' assistance, as already stated, was issued June 1, 1621,3 by the Council for New England, to John Pierce of London and his
THE OLDEST STATE DOCUMENT IN THE UNITED STATES.
Footnotes.
1. Good News from New England, Masssachusetts Historical Society's Collection, VIII, 245, 246.
2. Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, 93.
3. The patent is given in full in the Farnham Papers, I, 45-53. It was written on parchment of considerable size, but in some way disappeared, and was found in 1741 among some old papers in the Land Office at Boston, Mass. In 1853, it was deposited in Pilgrim Hall in Plymouth. It is believed to be the oldest State document in the United States.
p.163 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
associates, and the new patent was brought over in the Ship, Fortune which arrived at Plymouth, November 11, 1621.
INSERT.
Arrived Plymouth, Massachusetts
November 9, 1621
Burthen 55 tons
Thomas Barton, Master
1 John Adams
2* William Basset
3 Mrs. Elizabeth Basset
4 William Beale
5 Jonathan Brewster
6* Clement Briggs
7* Edward Bumpas
8 John Cannon
9* William Conner
10 Robert Cushman
11 Thomas Cushman - son
12* Steven Deane
13 Philipe de la Noye
14 Thomas Flavell & Son
15* ______ Ford
16* Mrs. Martha Ford
17 Martha Ford - daughter
18 John Ford - son
19 Robert Hickes
20 William Hilton
21 Bennet Morgan
22 Thomas Morton
23* Austen Nicolas
24 William Palmer
25 William Pitt
26* Thomas Prence
27 Moses Simonson
28 Hugh Statie
29 James Steward
30 William Tench
31 John Winslow
32 William Wright
Transcriber's Notes:
*9th gr. grandfather of transcriber.
In the book: Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantation, edited by William T. Davis on page 303 it states:
"Thomas Prence came over in the Fortune in 1621, about twenty-one years of age. He married in 1624 Patience, daughter of William Brewster, who died in 1634. In 1635 he married Mary, daughter of William Collier and in 1662 Mercy, widow of Samuel Freeman and daughter of Constant Southworth. (also in my line) He died in 1673."
Prence, Thomas - Governor of the jurisdiction of New Plymouth, died 29 Mar 1673 at age 71 "After he had served God in the office of Governor sixteen years, or near thereunto, he finished his course in the 73 year of his life. He was a worthy gentleman, very pious, and very able for his office, and faithful in the discharge thereof, studious of peace, a wellwiller to all that feared God, and a terror to the wicked, his death was much lamented, and his body honorably buried at Plymouth the day and year above mentioned" PCR 8:34 (see also MD 3:203-204) His body was interred in Plymouth. Married 4 x. Emigrated from London early July 1621 - 9 Nov 1621. He resided in Duxburrow (Now Duxbury), MA before 2 Apr 1632. He made a will 13 Mar 1672/73 in Eastham, (now Barstable co.) Plymouth Colony (now MA. Will probated 5 Jun 1673 in Eastham. He married in 1664 to Patience Brewster, daughter of William Brewster, patriarch of Mayflower 1620 voyage. Brewster, Patience - died at age 32 "she died late in 1634 (in a letter to his son John Winthrop Jr. dated 12 Dec 1634, John Winthrop reported that "the pestilent fever hath taken away some at Plimouth(spl), amoung others Mr. Prence the governor his wife.." (WP 3:177) from Gt. Mig. 3:1522. Her body was interred at Coles Hill, in Plymouth.
Passengers:
2 Hotten's lists as Bassite, with wife implied
6 also listed as Brigges
7 also listed as Bompasse
9 also listed as Coner
12 also listed as Dean
13 also listed as De La Nove
15 also listed as Martha, widow with sons William and John and daughter Martha
23 also listed as Austin Nicholas
26 also listed as Prince
Correspondence 12-08-01 passenger #7 Bumpas
1 Thomas Bompase
+Ann Brodford
2 Edouad "Edward Bumpas" Bompasse
b: 1603 in St. Barthalomew Parish, London, England
d: February 03, 1692/93 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts
+Hannah
b: 1607 m: 1628 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts
d: February 12, 1692/93
3 John Bumpas, Sr.
b: June 02, 1636 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts
d: March 07, 1714/15 in Rochester, Bristol, Massachusetts
+Sarah Hunter b: Abt. 1649 in Scituate, Plymouth, Massachusetts
m: 1670 in Marshfield, Plymouth, Massachusetts d: 1710
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
p.163 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
continued.
associates, and the new patent was brought over in the ship Fortune (above) which arrived at Plymouth, November 11, 1621, It made no mention of territorial limits; but gave to each of the colonists and those who should join them, together with their heirs and assignees, one hundred acres of land in any place or places "not already inhabited by any English". So far as is known, this was the first grant of land made by the Council for New England under its Charter of 1620. On April 20, 1622, without the knowledge of the Plymouth colonists, Pierce obtained another patent, superseding that of June 1, 1621. When this action on Pierce's part came to the knowledge of the Pilgrims, they were indignant with Pierce and carried their case to the Council for New England.
Claiming that they had been deceived by Mr. Pierce, they asked the Council's assistance in obtaining redress, and May 18, 1623, the patent was yielded to them on the payment of five hundred pounds, the Council passing an order, that the associates "are left free to hold the privileges by the said former Grant of the first of June (1621) as if the latter had never been. And they, the said associates, to receive and enjoy all that they do or may possess by virtue thereof, and the surplus that is to remain over and above, by reason of the later Grant, the said Pierce to enjoy, and to make his best benefit of, as to him shall seem good".1
THE PIERCE SETTLEMENT, ANCIENT PEMAQUID.
On the ground of this relation of John Pierce to the Pilgrim Grant, the claim of an early Pierce settlement at Broad Bay, within the limits of ancient Pemaguid has been advance. It has been shown conclusively, however, that this claim cannot be made to rest upon any such foundation. "No evidence has been found that Pierce ever intimated an intention to make such a use of the patent of June 1, 1621; and more important still, so far as we know, his son, Richard Pierce, during his life-time here, never put for any claim based upon the provisions of that Charter."2 This
Footnotes.
1. Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. 1913, I, 306.
2. Professor John Johnston's History of Bristol and Bremen, 53. Professor Johnston was a native of Bristol and devoted many years to the preparation of his valuable work.
p.164 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
is the statement of a most careful writer of early Maine history, who says the claim is that of the Pierce heirs of a late generation, indeed, as late as 1734, and adds; "probably we shall best regard it as an after-thought, adopted by them to strengthen their supposed claim to a proprietary interest here, by virtue of the irregular transactions of their ancestors."1
The beginnings of the ownership of Monhegan.
Sawahquatock.
The Island of Sequin.
WILLIAM CROSS AND ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
At this time, however, we get a glimpse of the beginnings of the ownership of Monhegan. At a meeting of the council for New England held July 24, 1622, the matter of a division of the land held by the Council under the patent of November 3, 1620, was under consideration, and it was ordered that the Earl of Arundell should have, for his "devident" from "the middle of Sagadahoc and to go northeast so much on his side as Mr. Secretary (Calvert) goes on the other side upon the coast (i.e., west of the Kennebec) and to reach _____2 miles backward into the main and three leagues into the sea; and to have further into his devident, the island called Menehigan".3 At this meeting two other divisions were made, one to the Lord Duke of Lenox and one to Secretary Calvert. The division of the former was to extend from "the middle of Sawahquatock", that is, from the middle of the Saco river, half way to the Sagadahoc, and back into the country thirty miles; while Secretary Calvert's division was to comprise the territory between the division assigned to the Duke of Lenox and that assigned to the Earl of Arundell; also the Island of Sequin. This is know as the first Division of the great patent for New England. At a meeting of the Council held 12 days earlier (July 12, 1622), William Cross and Abraham Jennings,4 merchants, who
Footnotes.
1. History of Bristol and Bremen, 51.
2. The blank was not filled, but the distance was probably thirty miles, as in the "devident" of the Duke of Lenox made on the same date.
3. Farnham Papers, I, 62.
4. Although Abraham Jennings was a prominent merchant of Plymouth, little is known concerning him. So far as the writer is aware, there is no memorial of him in Plymouth, of any kind. The first volume of the records of the Parish of St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, goes back to 1581. Abraham Jennings.
p.165 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
apparently were present) were invited "to enter the great pattent", that is, to become members of the Council for New England. Jennings was a prominent merchant of Plymouth, and had large fishing interests on the coast of Maine. Both of the men requested time for the consideration of membership. Jennings was born about that time. The record of his baptism is not found in the early years of this record. It may be that he was born before 1581, or that he was not born in Plymouth, England. In 1605, he paid for his freedom (Black Book, City Clerk's office, Plymouth, England, 307, verso), and on May 22, 1608, he married Judith Cheere, a daughter of Nicholas Cheere of Plymouth, England. The record of her baptism which occurred November 6, 1586, the writer found in the first volume of the Parish Records of St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, England, under that date. From the City Records of Plymouth, England, little can be gleaned concerning Abraham Jennings. He was alive in 1641, when an assessment for a poll tax was made by Parliament upon the inhabitants of Ventre ward. The assessment of the Mayor, William Byrch, was five pounds, and that of Abraham Jennings, seven pounds.
JENNINGS Key (quay) a part of Hawkin's Key.
ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
Robert Trelawny's assessment was ten pounds. A reference to Jennings' business interests appears in the fact that a question as to the title of "Jennings' Key (quay)" Plymouth, came up in 1675. The quay was then in possession of Jennings and Warren, Jennings being Abraham Jennings' son, william Jennings1 and in the inquiry then made concerning the title, it was stated that this quay, known as Jennings' Key, was part of an ancient quay called Hawkins' Key, which by lease passed to William Stalling and from Stalling to Abraham Jennings, "by assignment sixty seven years since". As this statement was made in 1675, the quay came into Abraham Jennings' possession in 1608. It is further stated that "about fifty three years since" (and accordingly about 1622). Abraham Jennings purchased, of Hawkins, and those who claimed under him, a lease of the Hawkins' interest in the quay; and that "about thirty six years since", that is, about 1639, he purchased for himself and heirs "the reversion of one sixth of the Key in question, which the said Abraham Jennings by his last Will and Testament, gave to the said William Jennings", his son. The writer, in the summer of 1912, made diligent search for this Will at Plymouth, England and later in London, but without success. "For divers good causes and considerations" all claims to the Jennings "Key" were released by Jennings and Warren, to the Mayor and commonalty of Plymouth, and the quitclaim, on parchment, is preserved in the City Clerk's Office at Plymouth, with the fine signature and seal of William Jennings, who still spelled his name "Jennens". In the record of the freedom payment in 1605, the name is spelled "Jennyngs"; but in the record of his marriage in 1608, it is "Jennens".
p.166
THE SEIZING OF THE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN, MAINE.
after such consideration accepted membership, and paid one hundred and ten pounds into the treasury of the Council as the cost of membership, for which a receipt was ordered by the Council on November 27, 1622. Three days later, "A Bill of Receipt of 110 pounds" was sealed to Mr. Abraham Jennings, "with covenant for his dividend in the main land of New england".1 At a meeting held nearly two months later, (January 28, 1622, O.S.), the records of the Council show that on that date "the commission for seizing the Island of Monhegan, is this day sealed and signed by the Lord Duke of Lenox" and eight others, including the Earl of Arundell".2 A second division of the great patent for New England, occurred on June 29, 1623, when the King was prsent and participated in the drawing, which was by lot. "A plot of all the coasts and lands, divided into twenty parts, each part containing two shares", had been prepared "with the names of twenty patentees by whom these lots were to be drawn".
THE ISLAND OF MONHEGAN.
ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
Mr. Abraham Jennings was not present, and his lot, which was the 5th, was drawn for him by Sir Samuel Argall.3 This division, like the 1st, was not consummated. There is no evidence that the Earl of Arundell ever acquired possession of the Island of Monhegan, or that there was any authority for the seizure of the island, in accordance with the action of the Council in England, January 28, 1622; but it was in the possession of Abraham Jennings not long after. It seems probable, therefore that he acquired possession of the island about the time he became a member of the Council, and it may be that he accepted membership in this languishing enterprise in order to open the way for its possession. It certainly was of value to him, because of the advantages it would secure to those who had the management of his fishing & trading interests on that part of the New England coast.
August 10, 1622, without having consummated its action with reference to a division of its territory, the Council for New England
Footnotes.
1. Proceedings of American Antiquarian Society, April 24, 1867, 76.
2. Ib., 82.
3. Farnham Papers, I, 75.
p.167 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
made a second a second grant of land within the limits of its Charter. The grantees were Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason. From the success of the Pilgrim Colony at Plymouth, in whose interest the first grant was secured, Gorges evidently had received new encouragement with reference to colonial undertakings in New England. His acquaintance with Mason, also, had brought him into relations with a man of great energy, whose readiness to embark in such undertakings had greatly strengthened his own former hopes and aims.
They intend to name it, "The Province of Maine".
The first use of the designation in any printed document.
By this action of the Council there was granted to Gorges and Mason "all that part of the mainland in New England lying upon the sea coast betwixt the rivers of Merimack and Sagadahock and to the furtherest heads of the said rivers and so forward up into the new land westward until three score miles be finished from the first entrance of the aforesaid rivers and half way over, that is to say, to the midst of the said two rivers ... said portions of lands with the appurtenances the said Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Captain John Mason, with the consent of the President and Council, intend to name, the Province of Maine". This is the first use of the designation, "Province of Maine", in any printed document. The grantees were authorized to "establish such government in the said portions of lands and islands ....as shall be agreeable as near as may be to the laws and customs of the realm of England." 1.
Within the limits of this grant to Gorges and Mason, the Council for New England, (of which Gorges himself was still the leading spirit proceeded May 5, 1623, to grant six thousand acres of land to Christopher Levett.2 Beyond a brief memorandum in the Records of the Great Council and in the Calendar of State Papers, no documentary evidence of such a grant has as yet been discovered -
PERCIVAL LEVETT
Footnotes.
1. Farnham Papers, I, 64-71. The Province of Maine was divided by the November grantees, 7, 1692, Mason receiving the territory between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua.
2. He was born in York, England, April 5, 1586. His father, Percival Levett, was City Chamberlain of York, England, in 1584 and the Sheriff in 1597-8.
p.168 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ered, but contemporary writers supply some added information concerningit.1 Levett had caught the spirit of adventure abroad in English hearts and homes in the last years of Queen Elizabeth's reign, and which continued into the reign of King James. Following the seas, as his chosen occupation, he was mentioned in 1623 as one of the Captains of His Majesty's ships. But he had now become interested in new world enterprises. He saw the possibilities which the situation of affairs on this side of the Atlantic afforded, and he resolved to make his way hither with the purpose of planting a colony on New England soil.
YORK, MAINE.
In some way, he interested the King in his enterprise, and Conway, the Secretary of State, by direction of King James, addressed a letter2 to the Lord President of York, June 26, 1623, calling his attention to the proposed undertaking, as one "honorable to the Nation and to the particular County and City of York", as it was Levett's purpose "to build a city and call it by the name of York". Levett, however, needed helpers in "so notable a good work". He must have adventurers to join him in the enterprise, and he must secure fifty men as colonists; also, contributions for the erection of a fort; and Conway requests the Lord President "by all fair persuasions, to wean from the County some assistance upon such conditions as may be just and suitable".
Difficulties were encountered in securing the assistance thus sought. At length, however, a vessel was procured, some colonists were made ready and Levett, who had been appointed a member of Robert Gorges' Council, set sail for the New England
Footnotes.
1. Maverick, in his Description of New England, describes the grant in terms nearly identical with the memorandum in the Records of the Great Council. Edward Godfrey mentioned it in his "Cattalogue of such Pattentees as I know granted for making Plantations in New England". Especially is such information to be found in Christopher Levett's own story, "A Voyage into New England begun in 1623 and ended in 1624", in James Phinney Baxter's Christopher Levett of York, the Pioneer of Casco Bay, Georges Society, Portland, 1893.
2. Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, England, 14, 15.
p.169
coast. The auspices certainly were favorable. Levett was in the as well as of the Council under Robert Gorges, in the latter's administration of the affairs of New England about to be established, he seemed admirably fitted for the work he had undertaken.
THE ISLES OF SHOALS, 1623.
Robert Gorges and Captain Francis West.
THE GOVERNMENT OF NEW ENGLAND WAS NOW EFFECTED.
He reached the Isles of Shoals2 in the autumn of 1623. Landing at Odiorne's Point3 at the mouth of the Piscataqua, he met Robert Gorges and Captain Francis West, also two members of the colony at Plymouth, who were awaiting his arrival; and the organization of the government of New England was now effected.4
Here Levett remained about a month, and then, the season being well advanced, he proceeded up the coast with the company he had brought with him (and those who had arrived in other vessels) to make the selection of a location for his colony. Fortunately we have his own record of his explorations.5
York Harbor, or, Aquamenticus
and,
Cape Porpoise
SAWCO.
Two open boats conveyed the party and its stores. First, Levett examined the vicinity of York harbor, or, Aquamenticus, as he called it. There he found much land already cleared, "fit for planting corn and other fruits, having heretofore been planted by the savages, who are all dead". Thence he proceeded to Cape Porpoise, "which is indifferent good for six ships, and it is generally thought to be an excellent place for fish". A good plantation, he indicated, could be made there, but it would require some labor and expense. The next place he mentions is "Sawco", four leagues farther east. On his way thither a heavy fog set-
DAVID THOMPSON, A SCOTCHMAN.
Footnotes.
1. He was made a member of the Council by the payment of a like sum as did Abraham Jennings.
2."The first place I set my foot upon in New England," says Levett: and he adds, "Upon these islands, I neither could see one good timber tree, nor so much good ground as to make a garden". Baxter, Christopher Levett of York, 89.
3. David Thompson, shortly before, had established a small settlement here. He was a Scotchman. Two years later, he removed to an island in Boston harbor, which still bears his name, and where he died, two years afterward. Ib., 90. note.
4. Of its brief duration, mention has already been made. 5. Baxter, Christopher Levett of York.
p.170 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"SAWCO"
settled down upon the explorers, the boats became separated, and a fierce storm assailing them, they were forced to strike sail and take to their oars. Night coming on, they anchored, and their anchor held them securely until morning, when they succeeded in making their way "into Sawco", which Levett describes as "about one league to the northeast of a cape land; and about one-eighth mile from the main lieth six islands, which make an indifferent good harbor. And in the main there is a cove or gut, which is about a cable's length in breadth and two cable's length long, where two good ships may ride being well moored ahead and stern; and within the cove there is a great marsh, where at a high water a hundred sail of ships may float, and be free from all winds, but at low water must lie aground, but being soft oase they can take no hurt".1
OLD ORCHARD BAY.
There they found the other boat and tarried five days, the wind being contrary. Mention is made of "rain and snow", but not withstanding the unfavorable weather, Levett followed the shore of Old Orchard bay as far as the northern extremity of the beach.
SACO RIVER.
The Crystal Hill, - Mount Washington.
In his mention of the Saco river, he says the Indians told him it had its source at a great mountain called "the Crystal Hill", evidently Mount Washington, "being as they say one hundred miles in the country, yet is it to be seen at the sea-side, and there is no ship that arrives in New England, either to the west so far as Cape Cod, or to the east so far as Monhegan, but they see this mountain the first land, if the weather be clear.". 2
Making his way still farther up the coast, Levett came to
SACO - FLETCHER'S NECK & BIDDEFORD POOL.
PORTLAND.
Captain Charles Deering & the steamer, Lewiston.
Footnotes.
1. "It is difficult to identify the locality which Levett calls Saco; but his description plainly comprises Fletcher's Neck and Biddeford Pool, as well as the islands, Wood, Negro, Ram, Eagle, Stage and Basket". Baxter, Christopher Levett, 93, note.
2. Approaching Portland from the east and sailing between Monhegan and the main land for many years, the late Captain Charles Deering, of the steamer Lewiston, told the writer that he had never seen Mount Washington from the sea, until he had passed Small Point.
Approaching Portland in one of the New York steamers, Mount Washington is seen on a clear day when within a few miles of the two lights on Cape Elizabeth.
p.171 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
QUACK, HE RENAMED YORK.
PORTLAND HARBOR.
"Quack", which, he says, "I have named York" - the name he had selected for his proposed settlement before he left England. Quack, he describes, as "a bay or sound betwixt the main and certain islands which lyeth in the sea about one English mile and a half". Clearly, the reference is to Portland Harbor, the western part of Casco Bay.
YORK
Continuing his narrative, Levett adds: "There are four islands1 which make one good harbor; there is very good fishing, much fowl and the main as good ground as any can desire". Fore River, he named Levett's River.2 As in his boat the explorer passed up into this river and thought of the York that was his birthplace, and of the York whose beginnings he purposed to make, imagination kindling at the scene, he could hardly have failed to catch a vision of the spires and fair residences of the Portland which Longfellow loved to sing as "the beautiful town that is seated by the sea".3
"At this place", says Levett, "there fished divers ships of Waymouth4 this year", the first fishing vessels of which we have any record in connection with Portland harbor.
PRESUMPSCOT RIVER.
THE SAGADAHOC.
CASCO.
Continuing his exploration eastward, Levett makes mention of another river, our Presumpscot: "up which", he writes, "I went about three miles and found a great fall of water much bigger than the fall at London bridge at low water". Thence to the Sagadahoc, he says, "is all broken islands in the sea, with many excellent harbors, where a thousand sail of ships" might ride in safety. Especial mention is made of Casco, a place evidently on the mainland having "a good harbor, good fishing, good ground and good fowl, and a site for one of the twenty good towns well-
PORTLAND HARBOR.
Footnotes.
1. Cushing's House, Peak's and Diamond.
2. Levett says, "I made bold to call it by my own name". It should bear the name still.
3. All the explorers who preceded Levett, seem to have failed to enter Portland harbor, and so not to have noticed the fitness of the location of Portland for settlement purposes.
4. On Waymouth Bay, between Plymouth and Southampton, England.
p.172 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SAGADAHOC.
seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh waters".1 The whole distance from Cape Elizabeth to the Sagadahoc, Levett found exceedingly favorable for plantations. "Of Sagadahoc", he said, "I need say nothing of it; there hath been heretofore enough said by others, and I fear too much." Plainly he had no heart to make any reference to it. Seventeen years had not erased the memories of the disappointments connected with the failure of the Popham colony; and yet it is to be wished that so interesting a writer as Levett had held his feelings sufficiently in control to have given us a sketch of the ruins of Fort Saint George as he found them at that time. All he tells us is that "the place is good, there fished this year, two ships."
THE INDIAN SAGAMORES, MENAWORMET, COGAWESCO & SOMERSET.
Levett then passed on to Capemanwagan, (on the east shore of the Sheepscot River, and where Samoset, Sagamore of the Pemaquid Indians lived.) where nine vessels had "fished" that year. In the present Cape Newaggen, there is evidently an echo from that early period. The reference may be to Southport, or perhaps, Boothbay harbor. There he remained four days and met many Indians and their wives and children, prominent among them, three sagamores, Menawormet, Cogawesco, (the sagamore of Casco & Quack) and Somerset, who he mentioned
ROYAL RIVER AT YARMOUTH.
HARRASEEKET AT SOUTH FREEPORT.
MORATTIGGON
MOURT'S RELATION.
Footnotes.
1. Possibley the little harbor at Harpswell Point, as "well-seated to take the benefit both of the sea and fresh rivers". Royal River at Yarmouth and the Harraseeket at South Freeport are such rivers.
2. He is first mentioned in connection with the Plymouth colonists, whom he saluted March 16, 1621, with the word, "Welcome", adding that "he was not of those parts but of Morattiggon" as recorded in Mourts' Relation*, and which is there described as "lying hence a day's sail with a great wind and five days by land". By some, accordingly, Morattiggon is identified
Insert.
MOURT'S RELATION
FULL BOOK
*Mourt's Relation: A Journal of the Pilgrims in Plymouth was written ____. Mourt's Relation was first published in London in 1622, presumably by George Morton. Full book online at http://www.histarch.uiuc.edu/plymouth/mourt1.html
p.172 Continued.
SAMOSET.
THE PLANTATION OF PATUXET.
with Monhegan; but more probably the reference is to someplace on the Maine coast in that vicinity. From Somerset, the Pilgrims learned that the Indian name of their plantation was Patuxet. His name appears in early records, as above, and is also written - Samoset, Samosett, Sameset, Sammerset, Sammeset, etc. Bradford, after a reference to some skulking Indians, had this reference to him:
"But about ye 26th of March, a certain Indian came boldly amongst them (colonists) and spoke to them in broken English, which they well understand but marvelled at it. At length they understood by discourse with him, that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern parts, where some English ships came to fish, with whom he was acquainted, and could name sundry of them by their names,
p.173 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
tions as "one that hath been found very faithful to the English, and hath saved the lives of many of our nation, some from starving, and others from killing". Levett proceeded no farther to the eastward, being told by the sagamores mentioned, "that Pemaquid and Capemanwagan and Monhigon were granted to others", and especially as Cogawesco said to him, that if he would plant his colony at either Quack or at Casco, he would be welcome.
CASCO BAY.
Already Levett had settled upon Quack as the location of his colony, and on the next day, the wind being fair, he set out on his return, taking with him Cogawesco, also his wife and son, "bow and arrows, dog and kettle, his noble attendants rowing by us in their canoe". On his arrival at Quack, now called by Levett - York, Maine, he was welcomed by the masters of the fishing vessels there and at once commenced the erection of a house, which he fortified "in a reasonable good fashion." Where the house was located, he does not record; but Maverick, writing about 1660, and referring to his visit to Casco Bay in or about 1624, says it was "on an island before Casco river",1 now supposed to be House Island.2
THE INDIAN, SAMASETT or SOMERSET.
But clouds soon settled down upon the little settlement. The master of one of the vessels in the harbor, "a great ship with seventeen pieces of ordnance and fifty men", evidently an English trading vessel, was monopolizing those traffic privileges of the vicinity, which Levett insisted were his own by reason of his patent of land, in accordance with which he had now located. Defied amongst whom he got his language. He became profitable to them in acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country in the east parts, where he lived, which was afterwards profitable unto them; as also of the people here, of their names, number and strength; of their situation and distance from this place, and who were chief among them. His name was Samasett". History of Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed., 1913, I, 199. It was Somerset who made the Pilgrims acquainted with Squanto or Tisquantum.
Footnotes.
1. The New England Historical & Genealogical Register, January, 1885.
2. Baxter. Christopher Levett of York 105-107, had an interesting note concerning the location of Levett's fortified house.
p.174 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The Council for New England.
by the master of the vessel, Levett reported the case to his associates of the Council for New England, as a fit occasion for the council's vindication of its authority.
Levett completed his house and fortifications, and then, probably in the summer of 1624, leaving ten men in charge of his interests in Casco Bay, he took passage for England, doubtless in one of the returning fishing or trading vessels upon the coast.
PRINCE CHARLES OF ENGLAND.
There he attempted to enlist his countrymen in the settlement whose beginnings he had made at York. But the times in England were unpropitious for colonial enterprises. Prince Charles, after an unsuccessful attempt to conclude a marriage arrangement with the Princess Maria of Spain, - an unpopular proceeding, - was now seeking the hand of Henrietta, a sister of the King of France, who had rival interests in American territory. Moreover, the discouraging report concerning affairs in New England, brought back by Robert Gorges, had not been helpful to such an enterprise as Levett had in hand; and he failed to awaken enthusiasm in his appeal for assistance. Accordingly, he found himself compelled to seek employment elsewhere. This he obtained in the autumn of 1625, receiving an appointment as Captain of a ship in the expedition against Spain under the command of Lord Wimbledon - an unsuccessful affair.
After his return from this service, Levett's thoughts again reverted to his interests in Casco Bay, but no way for his return opened. What, meanwhile, had become of the ten men whom he left in charge of those interests, is unknown - as no information concerning them has come down to us. Probably, as Levett failed to return to Casco Bay, they closed the house and finding employment upon some fishing or trading vessel, it may be, they succeeded, at length, in making their way back to England, or repaired to one of the smaller settlements beginning to spring up here and there along the coast soon after Levett's return to England. Levett found no such settlements in his explorations from the Piscataqua to Cape Newaggen. Fishing vessels there were in the
p.175 VARIOUS SCHEMES AND LEVETT'S EXPLORATIONS.
A Vessel at Pemaquid with Witheridge, Master.
coast harbors, but none until he reached Quack, where upon the islands, the fishermen had doubtless set up their stages. Two vessels had made their anchorage at Sagadahoc and nine at Cape Newwaggen. From the master of one of the vessels at Cape Newwaggen, Levett had learned that at Pemaquid there was a Barnstable vessel, "Witheridge, Master".1
At Monhegan and Damariscove, the number of fishing vessels was much larger. But it was inevitable that fishing interests in the waters along the coasts would lead to settlements upon the main land; and clear and definite proofs of the beginnings of scuh settlements have now been reached.
Footnote. 1. Christopher Levett of York, 102. |
