p.197 CHAPTER XII.
NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
Gorges seems to have had no part in efforts connected with the new awakening of England's interests in New England. But he was no disinterested spectator of the movement hither that followed.
Very soon he is found in communication with Captain John Mason, concerning a division of the Province of Maine granted to Gorges and Mason by the Council for New England, August 10, 1622. By an amicable arrangement made November 7, 1629, Mason received "all that part of the main land in New England, lying upon the sea coast, beginning from the middle part of Merrimack River, and from thence to proceed northwards along the sea coast to Piscataqua river, and so forwards up within the said river, and to the furthest head thereof, and from thence northwestwards until three score miles be finished from the first entrance of Piscataqia River, and also from Merrimack through the said river, and to the furthest head thereof, and so forwards up into the land westwards until three score miles be finished; and from thence to cross over all islands and islets within five leagues distance from the premises, and abutting upon the same or any part or parcel thereof."1
MASON NAMES IT NEW HAMPSHIRE.
To this tract of land, with the consent of the President and Council for New England, Mason gave the name "New Hampshire." 2.
The rest of the Grant of August 10, 1622, namely the territory
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 95-98. 2. Ib., 97. Ten days after this Grant to Mason, the Council for New England issued to Gorges & Mason a grant known as the Laconia patent. Sir David Kirke had accomplished the conquest of Canada, and Gorges and Mason hastened to acquire a part of the captured islands that bordered "upon the great lakes or rivers commonly called or known by the name of the river and lake or rivers and lakes of the Irroquois, a nation of nations
p.198 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
between the Piscataqua and the Kennebec, extending from the seacoast up into the land as far as is stated in Mason's Grant, remained in Gorges' possession, and was still known as the Province of Maine. But settlers outside of the limits of Gorges' patent were earliest in evidence in the new movement toward the Maine coast. Those who had followed Brown, and had located with him on the eastern shore of the Pemaquid peninsula, were doubtless from the western counties of England, probably from Bristol and Plymouth, England. Fishermen sailing from those ports, and returning at the close of the fishing season, could not fail to tell the story of the trip, including their impressions of the country as they sailed along the coast, or as they landed at times here and there in its commodious harbors. Among them, doubtless, were those who discovered the opportunities opening here for better conditions than were obtainable in their English homes.
The record is not available, in most cases, it was never made; but from these hardy fishermen, and those who listened to their tales of new-world experiences, came hither the settlers in those early years.
PEMAQUID.
THE ST. GEORGE'S RIVER AT SHEEPSCOT.
The proclamation of the King, calling attention to England's interests on this side of the sea, gave an added impulse to English settlements on the Maine coast. Pemaquid began to develop into a prosperous community. It is stated that by 1630, no less than eighty-four families had located there, on the St. George's river at Sheepscot.1
The first fort at Pemaquid, probably a stock-
Footnotes continued from previous page. of savage people inhabiting the landwards betwixt the lines of the west and northwest, conceived to pass or lead upwards from the rivers of Sagadahock and Merrimack in the country of New England", etc. Neither Gorges nor Mason had any very clear idea of the territory thus granted to them; but the rivers named, also the Piscataqua, were supposed to be water-ways into a very profitable region for Indian trade. The Grant has a history on paper only. For the text of the Grant, see the Farnham Papers, I, 98-107.
Footnote.1 This is the settlement of Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 167; and Johnston, History of Bristol and Bremen, 64, adds, "Files in the Secretery's Office, Boston". There are no such files in the Secretary's office now, and search there and elsewhere has yielded no information upon which such a statement could be based. But the gain in residents at that point was
p.199 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
stockade (but not so much a defense against Indian assaults, as against outlaws and plunderers or French emmissaries), must have been erected about this time, and doubtless upon the same site occupied by the later and more substantial structures connected with which are events that make this historic spot memorable for all time to come.
JOHN BURGESS.
1628 - Walter Bagnall Opens a Trading Station here.
Westward, Levett's York was still unoccupied. Richmond's Island, at the northern opening of Old Orchard bay, was held as a trading station in 1627, and perhaps, earlier, by John Burgess, Sr. He was "lying sick" there in 1627, made his Will on April 11th of that year, and probably died on the island. His Will was proven in England, May 24, 1628.1 At some time in that year, Walter Bagnall opened at trading station here. He may have been one of the men left by Levett, in charge of his interests at House Island, Portland harbor and vicinity.2 It has also been suggested 3 that before coming to Richmond's Island he was one of
Thomas Morton's merry crew, whose orgies at Merry Mount (on Massachusetts Bay between Boston and Plymouth) were such a scandal both to the Pilgrims and to the Puritans. John Winthrop,4 who refers to him as "sometimes servant for one in the Bay", calls him "a wicked fellow" and other references to him by the early writers are no more favorable. This also seems to have been the estimate of Bagnall held by the Indians with whom he had trade relations. To such an extent had he cheated them in their transactions with him (as they at length learned) that they were incited by the discovery to avenge their wrongs; and in the Fall of 1631, making their way one evening to the island, Scitterygusset,5 an Indian chief and some of his tribe, killed Bagnall and a man associated with him, plundered his house and then burned
Footnotes continued from previous page. undoubtedly large. Families were beginning to make their way hither. The center of the English fishing interests were in this vicinity.
1. Maine Historical & Genealogical Recorder, 1884, 62.
2. Maine Historical Society's Documentary Series, III, 5.
3. Maine Historical & Genealogical Recorder, 1884, 61.
4. Winthrop, Journal. 30.
5. Concerning him, see Willis, the History of Portland, 26.
p.200 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
WALTER NEALE, AT PISCATAQUA.
The Indian known as Black Will.
it.1 On being informed of the tragedy, Walter Neale, at Piscataqua, sent a party thither in pursuit of the murderers. On their arrival they found at the Island, an Indian, known as Black Will, whom they hung in retaliation for the murders committed by the Indians. But it was soon ascertained, if it had not been learned before, that Indians could retaliate as well as white men; and in the winter following, finding an Englishman who was exploring
Footnotes. 1. Thomas Morton, New English Canaan, 78, says, "A servant of mine (referring to Bagnall) in five years was thought to have one thousand pounds in ready gold, gotten from beaver, when he died". May 11, 1855, a small earthen vessel containing gold and silver coins was ploughed up on Richmond's Island. Specimens of these coins are in the possession of the Maine Historical Society, and a photographic representation of the vessel and some of the coins faces page 7 of the Trelawny Papers. In the Maine Historical Society's Collection, Series I, 6, 137-147, the Honorable William Willis gives an interesting account of these coins, their discovery, etc. The oldest is of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Of the silver coins there were four - one shilling pieces, sixteen sixpences, one groat or fourpenny piece and two half groats. The shillings have no date, but all the sixpences and some of the smaller pieces have dates extending from 1564 to 1593. Of the reign of King James I, there were four one shilling pieces and one sixpence; the shillings not dated, the six-pence bearing date of 1606. Of the reign of King Charles I, there were but one shilling and one sixpence, the last bearing date 1625. Of the gold coins, there were twenty-one, of which ten were sovereigns of the reign of King James I, and of the value of twenty shillings each; there were half sovereigns or double crowns, of the value of ten shillings each; seven were sovereigns of the reign of King Charles I, and one was a Scottish coin of the last year of the reign of King James of Scotland only and dated 1602. It was of the size and value of the half sovereign or double crown. None of the English gold coins had dates, and all of the coins, both silver and gold, were much thinner and broader than modern coins of similar value.
The impressions on those in possession of the Maine Historical Society are clear and distinct, especially upon the gold coins, which are less worn than the silver, and nearly as bright as when issued. In the vessel a signet ring of fine gold was found, bearing the letters "G.V." and the figure of two united hearts with the words, "Death only Partes". Mr. Willis was of the opinion that the deposit of coins and ring was connected with the fate of Walter Bagnall. December 2, 1631, a grant of this island was made to Bagnell by the Council for New England, but he was killed before receiving it. In the grant it was stated that he had been in New England seven years. See Farnham Papers, I, 162, 163.
p.201 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
up the Saco River, they meted out to him the same punishment that Neale's men had meted out to Black Will.1
THE GREAT PATENT FOR NEW ENGLAND, 1620.
Grants made to Thomas Lewis & Richard Bonython.
But the new movement toward the coast of Maine was also soon in evidence by reason of the applications frequently made about this time to the Council for New England for Grants of land under the authority that the Council received in the Great Patent for New England, November 3, 1620. Two such grants were made February 12, 1630. One of these was to Thomas Lewis and Richard Bonython, the land granted being on the north side of the Saco River and included the land now occupied by the City of Saco. Lewis, it was stated in the Grant, had already been at the charge of transporting hither himself and others for the purpose of seeking a favorable location for a colony, "and doth now wholly intend, by God's assistance, with his associates, to plant there, both for the good of his Majesty's realms and dominions and for the propagation of the Christian religion among thise infidels". They also purposed, at their own costs, to transport fifty persons thither within seven years next ensuing.2
GRANT TO JOHN OLDHAM & RICHARD VINES.
BIDDEFORD, MAINE.
The other grant was made to John Oldham and Richard Vines,3 and included the land south of the Saco River, now occupied by the city of Biddeford, Maine. Oldham, it is stated in the Grant, had at that time lived in New England six years, had already, at his own costs transported hither and established divers persons, and in effecting so good a work had labored hard and suffered much.
Moreover, both Oldham and Vines had undertaken, at their own expense to bring to the Maine coast, fifty persons in the space of seven years next ensuing, here "to plant and inhabit", having in view the advancement of the general plantation of the country
GEORGE CLEEVE, THE FOUNDER OF PORTLAND, MAINE.
Footnotes.
1. Hubbard, General History of New England, 142, 145, 169.
2. Farnham Papers, I, 117-121. 3. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I, 132, note, calles Vines the founder of Biddeford, which he named doubtless in honor of Bideford, England, in which locality the Vines family resided. Vines represented the Gorges interests here for many years. Because of his relations with Gorges, he was in frequent conflict with George Cleeve, the founder of Portland, Maine.
p.202 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
THE WALDO PATENT.
THOMAS LEVERETT OF BOSTON, ENGLAND.
JOHN WINTHROP'S COMPANY EMBRARKED FOR NEW ENGLAND
with provision for holding it as a part of England's territory.1 March 13, 1630, another grant, commonly known as the Muscongus, or the Waldo Patent, was made by the Council for New England to John Beauchamp of London and Thomas Leverett of Boston, England. Beauchamp was one of the London adventurers in the Pilgrim enterprise, and in the agreement of November 15, 1627,2 he is mentioned as one of the five who were deputed by the adventurers to receipt in full for the Pilgrim indebtedness, when the Plymouth settlers should have paid the eighteen hundred pounds for which they were holden in that agreement. Thomas Leverett, about the time when this grand of land was made, was an Alderman of the borough of Boston, England, and a highly esteemed friend of the Reverend John Cotton, vicar of St. Botolph's church in that place. He may have been one of those who accompanied Mr. Cotton to Southampton, when John Winthrop's company embarked for New England,
INSERT.
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and when Mr. Cotton preached the farewell sermon, "God's Promise to his plantation". Subsequently both Cotton and Leverett made their way to Boston in New England. At the ordination of Mr. Cotton as teacher of the church in Boston, Mr. Leverett was chosen one of the "Ruling Elders" of the church; and he continued prominent in civil and religious affairs in Boston during the remainder of his useful and honored life.3
Footnotes.
1. Farnham Papers, I, 121-125. The same persons, William Blackstone, William Jerreries and Edward Hilton - were authorized by the Council to give possession both to Lewis and Bonythou, and to Oldham and Vines.
2. Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. 1913, II, 4. 7.
3. John Leverett, the only so of Thomas Leverett, born at Boston, England, July 7, 1616, had a distinguished career. He was made a freeman of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, May 13, 1640. His sympathies were with the Parliamentary Party in England; and as early as 1644, he participated in the English Civil War there, having the command of the Rainsborrow regiment. Returning to his New England home, he was a Selectman in Boston in 1651; a member of the Legislature, 1652 and 1653, Major-General of the Massachusetts Military forces in 1663; deputy governor of Massachusetts in 1671, (continued, footnotes, p. 203)
p.203 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
As expressed in the patent, the grant included "all and singular, those lands, tenements and hereditaments whatsoever, with the appurtenances thereof, in New England, aforesaid, which are situate, lying and being within or between a place thence com commonly called or known by the name of Musrongruss, toward the south, or southwest and a straight line extending from thence directly ten leagues up into the mainland and continent thence toward the great sea commonly called the south sea, and the utmost limits of the space of ten leagues...on the north and northeast of a river in New England aforesaid, commonly called Penobscot, towards the north and northeast and the great sea, commonly called the western ocean, toward the east, and a straight and direct line extending from the most western part and point of the said straight line which extends from Mecongoss aforesaid towards the south sea to the uttermost northern limits of the said ten leagues on the north side of the said river of Penobscot towards the west...together with all islands that lie and be within the space of three miles of the said lands and premises or any of them", etc.1.
JOHN BEAUCHAMP - THOMAS LEVERETT.
Neither John Beauchamp nor Thomas Leverett, so far as appears, made any use of this Grant; but through Thomas Leverett, the surviving patentee, the grant descended to John Leverett of Cambridge, Massachusetts, the "great grandson and heir-at-law of Thomas Leverett", who, in 1719, admitted other direct and lineal descendants of Thomas Leverett to membership in a land company known as "The Lincolnshire Company and Twenty Associates", under
Footnotes, continued - governor in 1673 and until his death in 1679. See Memoir of Sir John Leverett, Knight, Governor of Massachusetts, by Charles E. Leverett, Boston, 1856. 1. It is stated in the Farnham Papers, I, 126, that this patent was destroyed by fire about 1833, after it came into the possession of the Knox family. This is an error. Mr. Henry A. Pierce of Boston, presented the original patent, on
parchment, to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1853. See Mass. Hist. Proceedings, II, 543. For a facsimile of the Muscongus patent, see Bradford's History of Plymouth Plantations, Massachusetts Historical Society, Edition II, 80.
p.204 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
which the affairs of the Muscongus grant continued to be managed.1
Still another grant, commonly known as the Lygonia or Plough patent, was granted by the Council for New England, June 26, 1630. The patent itself, so far as is known, has not been preserved, but that such a grant was made is recorded by John Winthrop in his Journal under date of July 6, 1631, as follows:
THE PATENT FOR SAGADAHOC.
"A small ship of sixty tons arrived at Natascott (Nantasket), Mr. Graves, Master. She brought ten passengers from London. They came with a patent for Sagadahoc, but not liking the place, came hither.
THEY WENT UP TO WATERTOWN.
Their ship drew ten feet and went up to Watertown (Massachusetts) but she ran aground twice by the way. These were the company called the Husbandmen and their ship was called the Plough. Most of them proved familists and vanished away." 2.
EDWARD RIGBY.
Among the Pejepscot papers in possession of the Maine Historical Society, is a document entitled "Abstract of the Title of Edward Rigby to the Province of Ligonia.3 In this document, drawn up in 1686, by George Turfrey, attorney of Edward Rigby, a grandson of Sir Alexander Rigby, the recorded grantees are:
Bryan Bincks, John Dye and John Smith.
with whom were associated others whose names are not given. But John Winthrop, who evidently saw the patent, adds to the above names, Thomas Jupe and John Crispe. The date of the Grant was June 26, 1630. As described in this Abstract, the territory granted by the patent was "the tract containing forty miles in length and forty miles in breadth upon the south side of the river Sagadahock, with all bays, rivers, ports, inlets, creeks", etc., and this territory was to be known by the name of "the Province of Ligonia". With a singular disregard of the fact that in 1622, the Council for New England
Footnotes.
1. See manuscript records of "The Lincolnshire Company and Twenty Associates", a land company organized for the management of affairs conducted under the Muscongus patent. This folio volume of 543 pages was presented to the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1853, by Mr. Henry A. Pierce, together with the original patent, as mentioned in the preceding note.
2. Winthrop, History of New England from 1630 to 1649, I, 58.
3. Farnham Papers, I, 133-136.
p.205 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
had granted all the land between Sagadahoc and the Merrimac, to Gorges and Mason, and that in 1629, in confirming the division of the land, the Council granted to Mason the territory between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua, leaving to Gorges the territory between the Piscataqua and the Sagadahoc, the Council now took from Gorges' territory a tract this action could not have been without Gorges' knowledge, as he was still an influential member of the Council. Moreover, the name given in the patent to the territory thus granted, was derived from the maiden name of his mother, a daughter of William Lygon, and it may be supposed to have, been suggested at least by Gorges himself.1
From Winthrop's statement, it seems probable that the Plough colonists, upon their arrival on the coast, proceeded first to the Sagadahoc. This may have been in April or May, 1631, as Winthrop's record seems to indicate that a little time was spent in exploring the Sagadahoc, seeking a favorable location for a settlement. Doubtless they were familiar with the story of the experience of the Popham colonists in 1607-8, and that was not an encouraging one. In the absence of other records, we have only Winthrop's brief statement concerning their visit to the Sagadahoc, including the remark that "not liking the place" they headed the prow of the ship, Plough, down the coast.
In all probability, therefore, the disappointed Husbandmen examined no other location within the limits of their patent.2
Footnotes.
1. The Council for New England paid little attention to these matters. The Lygonia Grant included territory already granted to Levett in 1623, also to Lewis and Bonington and Oldham and Vines in 1630. 2. Our information concerning these colonists is exceedingly limited. Among themselves they were known as a "company of husbandmen". But John Winthrop, in his brief reference to them, while making mention of them at first in the words, "These were the company called Husbandmen", closes his statement thus: "Most of them proved Familists". Unfortunately we are not helped by these added words, inasmuch as the Puritans were accustomed to apply the term "Familist" very loosely, making it a convenient (Footnote coninued bedlow)
p.206 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
JOHN DYE, JOHN SMITH & THOMAS JUPE.
SIR ALEXANDER RIGBY.
GEORGE CLEEVE.
But two vessels, bringing added husbandmen, left London, for the Sagadahoc in the following year, one, it is said March 9th and the other on March 12, 1631.1 As the first company arrived at Boston, July 6, 1631, its members had ample opportunity, befoe the close of that season, for sending to London early information concerning their failure to find on the Sagadahoc, a suitable location for the colony. Apparently, however, no such information was sent, certainly none that reached these added colonists or sufficiently disheartened them from making their way hither. These, too, "soon vanished away", as did the ten of the preceding year; and after the record of a division of the assets of the company among those who had not "vanished away" we hear nothing more concerning the Husbandmen until April 7, 1643, when John Dye, John Smith, Thomas Jupe, and other survivors of the Grantees of the Lygonia patent, transferred all their estate, interest and claim "in the Province of Lygonia" to Sir Alexander Rigby.3 George Cleeve, now coming into prominence in connection with affairs in the Province of Maine, was instrumental in inducing Rigby to purchase the Lygonia patent; and it is this fact, and the added
Footnotes, continued - designation for persons who never hear of Hendrick Nicholas, or of any of his widely differing followers. But these Husbandmen could not have been in any wise very bad, if they found in Familism what the last edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, under the article "Familist" says was to be found in it-"In an age of strife and polemics, it seemed to afford a refuge for quiet, gentle spirits and meditative temperaments".
RICHARD DUMMER OF NEWBURY.
GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS BAY.
THE PLOUGH PATENT.
Richard Dummer of Newbury, who came to New England with the second company of Husbandmen, and afterwards was the Governor of Massachusetts Bay, became an Associate Member of the company in 1638. He had in his possession the Plough Patent, and by order, delivered the same to to George Cleeve after its purchase by Sir Alexander Rigby.
Footnotes.
1. One account says that the second vessel, the ship, William and Francis, sailed April 8, 1632; and that among the passengers were Edward Winslow and Reverend Stephen Bachiler, the aged pastor of the Husbandmen in London, tranferred to missionary labors in the colony.
2. Rigby saw service in the Civil War in England in connection with the Parliamentary Army and was known as Colonel Alexander Rigby. An extended notice of him will be found in the Maine Historical and Genealogical Recorder, II. See also the Trelawny Papers, 365-367.
p.207 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
fact that the patent came into Cleeve's possession, that give to it an interest in the History of Colonial Maine, that otherwise it would not have possessed.1
In 1631, in making grants of land, the Council for New England was even more active than in the previous year. It was not until the latter part of the year, however, that this activity was manifested.
THOMAS CAMMOCK
NEALE'S COMPANY ON THE PISCATAQUA.
BLACK POINT, OLD ORCHARD BAY.
"NONESUCH"
SPURWINK RIVER.
The first of these grants was in the name of Thomas Cammock, a nephew of the Earl of Warwick, who at that time was President of the Council. In this grant, which was made November 3, 1631, it is stated that Cammock had lived in New England "for these two years last past", and had there inhabited, planted and built "some convenient housing". It is supposed, therefore, that he came hither in 1629. It is known that he spent some time at Neale's company on the Piscataqua, and while he was there, he is said to have taken up some land on the eastern bank of the river. In exploring farther up the coast, however, he found at Black Point on the northern shore of Old Orchard Bay, a more attractive location, and returning to England obtained a grant for fifteen hundred acres on the east side of the Black Point (now Nonesuch) river and extending to Spurwink River.2
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
JAMES TREWORGY.
Returning hither, in order to take possession of his Grant, Cammock reached Richmond's Island, April 22, 1632.3 It is supposed that he did not at once occupy his Black Point Grant, but returned to Piscataqua and resided there, where he had the "convenient housing" mentioned in the Grant of 1631, and where he secured a grant of land from Gorges in 1633. This land at the Piscataqua, he sold to James Treworgy in 1636,4 and then, probably, he took up his residence at Black Point on what is now
RICHARD DUMMER AT NEWBURY.
Footnotes.
1. Cleeve had seen this patent and discovered its possible uses, when it was in the possession of Richard Dummer at Newbury. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, I, 189.
2. The Farnham Papers, I, 173-142.
3. The Trelawny Papers, 18. 4. Ib.,2.
p.208 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
PROUT'S NECK.
HENRY JOSSELYN.
SIR THOMAS JOSSELYN
know as Prout's Neck.1 Here he lived with his wife, Margaret, and his faithful friend, Henry Josselyn. In 1638, Cammock was in England,2 partly with reference to his Patent, it would seem, as there was a disagreement concerning the bounds. On his return, he had as fellow voyagers, Sir Thomas Josselyn, the aged father of Henry Josselyn, and John Josselyn, Henry's brother.
They accompanied Cammock to Black Point, and John Winter, on Richmond's Island, writing July 30, 1638, to Robert Trelawny of Plymouth, England, makes mention of their arrival as follows:
Mr. Josselyn's father is an ancient old Knight.
"Mr. Josselyn's father is now come over, and another of his sons with him, and doth purpose to live there with him; they live all, yet, with Captain Cammock - Mr. Josselyn's father is an ancient old Knight; he is four score years old, wanting but two (years)."3 It is doubtful, however, if in coming hither, Sir Thomas and his son John, had in view anything more than a visit to Black Point, and such glimpses of England's new possessions as could be obtained in connection with such a visit, including a few days in Boston, on their arrival in New England, and at the time of their departure.4
Life at Black Point must have missed much by the departure of the "ancient old knight" and his versatile son, John. Only glimpses of that life, however, are afforded us in the meagre records of that period. In one of these glimpses, we find Thomas Gorges, a nephew and deputy of Sir Ferdinando, confirming to Cammock, March 15, 1641, by a deed, all the land granted to him by the Council for New England, together with Stratton's Island.5
Footnotes.
1. Samuel Checkley of Boston, Mass., deeded this land to Timothy Prout of Boston, March 24, 1727. The original deed is in the John Wingate Thornton Papers in the State Library at Augusts, I, 32.
2. An Account of Two Voyages to New England, 1638, 1663, by John Josselyn, Gen., 9, 11, 12.
3. The Trelawny Papers, 140.
4. An Account of Two Voyages to New England, 1638, 1663, 13, 20, 25-27.
5. York Deeds, II, folios 85, 86. On this Island opposite Black Point, John Stratton is said to have lived before the Grant to Cammock. See Trelawny Papers, 199.
p.209 THE NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
Cammock thus obtained that for which he had long contended, and he had the satisfaction of seeing his boundaries securely established.
While on a voyage to the West Indies in 1643, Thomas Cammock died at Barbadoes. In making his Will before leving his home at Black Point, he bequeathed his property to Henry Joselyn, reserving for his widow, five hundred acres. The widow subsequently married Henry Josselyn, her husband's counselor and friend, and Cammock's acres remained undivided.1
PASHIPPSCOT (PEJEPSCOT)
RICHARD BRADSHAW DECIDES TO SETTLE AT PEJEPSCOT
Connected with the Grant made to Richard Bradshaw by the Council for New England, November 4, 1631, there is somewhat of a mystery. It was a grant for fifteen hundred acres "above the head of Pashippsoct, (Pejepscot) on the north side thereof", the consideration being the expense Bradshaw had incurred "in his living there some years before", and that he now purposed to settle at Pejepscot, with other friends and also servants.2 The original Grant has disappeared, and the above extract from the Records of the Council for New England contais all the information that has come down to us concerning it. Aside from this extract there is no evidence whatever that Richard Bradshaw had lived at Pejepscot "some years before", or at any time before; or that he now purposed to settle there. What we do know concerning him, or may infer, is this - that with others who were seeking homes for themselves in this part of the new world, he had made his way hither from England, moved thereto by the opportunities for settlement that were opening here. Doubtless, after his arrival upon the coast, he spent some time in seeking a favorable location for his residence.
Such a location he found on the southern shore of Cape Elizabeth, east of the Spurwink river. Its attractions were easily discoverable, and Bradshaw lost no time in obtaining from Captain Walter Neale (who was supposed to have authority in these matters) such a "delivery" of this tract of land as would
Footnotes.
1. Trelawny Papers, 2.
2. Farnham Papers, 150, 151. 14.
p.210 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
give him the right to claim it as his, by pre-emption and occupation.
RICHARD TUCKER AND GEORGE CLEEVE.
It was this tract, possibly, that Bradshaw sought to obtain from the Council for New England, and that an error was made in carelessly substituting Pashippscot for Spurwink1 in recording the Grant, inasmuch as Bradshaw in all probability had resided at Spurwink some time when he applied for a Grant, and was intending still to remain there in accordance with the purpose announced in the Grant. But Richard Tucker2 and George Cleeve3 had fixed their eyes upon the same favorable locality for a settlement, and
Footnotes.
1. Baxter, George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 41.
2. Worth, History of Plymouth, England, 85, mentions Tucker as without doubt a native of Devon, England. His name frequently occurs in the history of this part of Colonial Maine, but generally in connection with the controversies concerning land titles, etc., with which he and his partner, George Cleeve, were inseparably connected for many years. Baxter, Trelawny Papers, 211, note, says concerning him: "He was evidently a man of far less importance in his day than Cleeve... Their interests in lands was not divided, for as late as 1662, he joined his old partner in a Deed of land on the Neck (Portland), at which time he was living on Sagamore Creed, in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, where he doubtless died, as his widow was living there in 1681."
3. Cleeve was a native of Plymouth, England (Worth, History of Plymouth, 85) He was not only acquainted with Gorges, who for so many years was in command of the Fort at Plymouth, but he had doubtless talked with him many times with reference to the opportunities for settlement that were opening for Englishmen in the Province of Maine. In Cleeve, Gorges evidently found a man of energy and decision, and he was to give him information and encouragement. The enthusiasm of Sir Ferdinando with reference to the brightening prospects here, was evidently contagious, and in 1630, with his wife and daughter, Cleeve made his way to the Maine coast. With what purposes he came as to location, is unknown, but he is soon found on the shore of Cape Elizabeth, not far from Richmond's Island, where his long and troublesome life on this side of the sea seems to have begun. The story of that life, Mr. Baxter has told in his valuable work entitled George Cleeve of Casto Bay, 1630-1667, published by the Gorges Society in 1885. In no other work, has the life of the founder of Portland been narrated with such fulness of detail, or with such an intelligent understanding of the facts connected with the history of the period in which Cleeve lived and labored.
p.211 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
Bradshaw's purposes failed of accomplishment. Tucker was ready with money considerations to obtain the pre-emption Right that Bradshaw had secured by Neale's "delivery". Cleeve, too, regarded himself as having a valid claim to the same territory by virtue of a promise which Sir Ferdinando Gorges made to him concerning a Grant before Cleeve left England. But Tucker and Cleeve were not rival claimants.
They joined their interests,1 and awaited a favorable opportunity for presenting to the Council for New England, a request for a patent covering the territory which they had pre-empted and occupied. Only failure and disappointment, however, followed. Others had discovered the advantages of the locationn, and the coveted grant had already been made to them.
ROBERT TRELAWNY AND MOSES GOODYEAR.
This Grant, dated December 1, 1631, was in the name of Robert Trelawny2 and Moses Goodyear,3 prominent merchants of Plymouth
John Wingate Thornton.
Footnotes.
1. Trelawny Papers, 206, 207.
2. Robert Trelawny, born at Plymouth, County of Devon, March25, 1598, belonged to a distinguished family in the west of England. His father, Robert Trelawny, settled in Plymouth, England, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, became a successful merchant there, was thrice the Mayor of Plymouth, and his monument in St. Andrew's Church (he died in 1627) records his benefactions to the poor as well as his civic honors. The son, who succeeded the father as a merchant, directed his attention to American business interests; and when he secured his patent it was doubtless his purpose to enlarge his mercantile operations by availing himself of facilities there that now were within his reach. What he and his partner, Moses Goodyear, accomplished in connection with the patent is made known to us in a very interesting way, in the Trelawny Papers, published by the Maine Historical Society in 1884. These papers wer secured by society through John Wingate Thornton, Esquire, of Boston, Massachusetts, who about the year 1872, ascertained from the Rev. C. T. Collins Trelawny (who died April 19, 1878), a descendant of Robert Trelawny, that in his ancestor's old home, in the vicinity of Plymouth, known as Ham, and still occupied by the family, was a chest containing Robert Trelawny's papers. Mr. Thornton secured a list of these papers, and learned that they comprised not only many business letters, but the original patent of Richmond's Island, etc., concerning which Willis (History of Portland, 33) supposed that the wife of a descendant of Robert Jordan, "needing some paper to keep her pastry from burning, took from a chest of papers, Trelawny's patent, and used it for that purpose, which thus perished, like
p.212 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
mouth, England. Doubtless, they had had a part in the fishing and trading interests that for a score of years and more, had attracted the attention of Plymouth adventurers. But with the enlargement of their operations they desired better accommodations
Mr. James P. Baxter.
many other ancient and valuable manuscripts". Mr. Thornton visited Plymouth and secured these papers - a gift from the Trelawny family to the Maine Historical Society. On receiving the papers in 1875, he commenced to arrange them for publication and some pages of his manuscript had been printed, when his death, greatly lamented, put an end to a task upon which he had entered with great interest. General John Marshall Brown perposed to continue Mr. Thornton's work, but the death of his father laid upon him duties that compelled him to relinquish the task. Fortunately, Mr. James P. Baxter was willing to undertake the work. His equipment for it had been obtained by long study and research at the sources of our colonial history; and as the result of his labors we have in the Trelawny Papers a storehouse of valuable information concerning fishing and trading interests on the coast of Maine in the third and fourth decades of the seventeenth century. Also in these papers we are made acquainted with some of the more prominent characters in that early period; while from them we get many interesting glimpses of family life, the proceedings of colonial courts, and the various movements connected with political affairs. An interesting sketch of Robert Trelawny by the Reverend C. T. Collins Trelawny, occupies the opening pages of the Trelawny Papers.
MOSES GOODYEAR.
Little is know concerning Moses Goodyear beyond what is mentioned above. In the Trelawny Papers, 416, there is an abstract of Mrs. Trelawney's titles to lands in New England. This was not the wife of Robert Trelawny, Goodyear's co-partner, as she died before her husband, but a Mrs. Trelawny of a later period, who was interested in establishing a claim to the land granted by the Council for New England to Robert Trelawny and Moses Goodyear. In this abstract occurs the following: "Robert Trelawny, surviving Moses Goodyear, who died the 26th day of March, 1637, became entitled to the whole lands granted them in jointenancy." This is a clear statement concerning the death of Moses Goodyear, Robert Trelawny's co-partner. Winter, writing to Robert Trelawny at Richmond's Island, October 7, 1640 (Trelawny Papers, p. 243), says: "and they (Thomas Gorges and Richard Vines) have charged their bills upon Mr. Moses Goodyear of Plymouth, the elder, probably the father of Moses Goodyear, who was associated with Robert Trelawny in fishing and trading operations at Richmond's Island.
In Worth's History of Plymouth (England) p.312, there is this record: "Moses Goodyear, merchant, left under Will in 1663, two sums of 50 -one to the Hospital of Poor's Portion, and the other to the Old Alms-
p.213 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
THOMAS CAMMOCK.
tions than they as yet possessed. Neither Trelawny nor Goodyear had been on the New England coast. From time to time, however, others whom they knew had made their way hither and returned. When Thomas Cammock was in England, seeking a grant of land at Black Point, he visited Robert Trelawny at his fine residence in the vicinity of Plymouth1. This visit gave Trelawny a favorable opportunity for obtaining desired information with reference to business interests upon the coast of Maine.
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
BLACK POINT.
Evidently on his part there were many inquiries concerning locations and business advantages. To Trelawny's question, Cammock had ready answers, and Richmond's Island and the well-wooded shores of Cape Elizabeth in full view of Black Point, were doubtless mentioned as possessing just those advantages that Trelawny and Goodyear coveted as a suitable fishing and trading station.
No time was lost by these enterprising merchants in securing such a grant as Cammock had suggested, and favorable action by the Great Council for New England followed, December 1, 1631, just one month after the Grant of Black Point was made to Cammock. The Grant included all the territory between the Grant made to Cammock and "the bay and river of Casco, extending and to be extended northwards into the mainland, so far as the limits and bounds of the lands granted to the said Captain Thomas Cammock", together with liberty to erect and maintain stages and places for preserving fish "in and upon and near the islands commonly called Richmond's Island2 and all the other islands within
Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan.
Footnotes continued: house, his direction being that these sums should be laid out in the purchase of freehold lands for these two charities." The writer is inclined to consider the Moses Goodyear of this record as Moses Goodyear the elder, and the father of Moses Goodyear who died in 1637. This Will is in the manuscript collection in the office of the City Clerk of Plymouth. It should be added that Moses Goodyear was a son-in-law of Abraham Jennings, the first owner of Monhegan.
1. Trelawny Papers, 18.
2. To this island Champlain gave the name Isle de Bacchus (Voyages, Prince Society, II, 62). Winthrop says Walter Bagnall was living on Richmond's Island in 1627. "Between this date and that of the visit of Cham-
p.214
or near the limits and bounds aforesaid, which are not formerly granted to the said Captain Thomas Cammock".1
WALTER BAGNALL.
RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
It will be noticed that only the use of Richmond's island was granted to Trelawny and Goodyear by the patent. The reason for this limitation is doubtless to be found in the fact the members of the council, or at least some of them, had already committed themselves with reference to the disposition of Richmond's island; for on the following day, Decem- upon the mainland, was made by the Council to Walter Bagnall, whose connection with the island has already been mentioned. Bagnall, it seems, had applied for a Grant of the Island, and doubtless has secured from Sir Ferdinando Gorges a promise that the grant should be made. Gorges, while holding to his promise, evidently allowed the Grant to Trelawny and Goodyear to be recorded in such words that the use of the island was secured to them, while the title was held by Bagnall.
In this way occasion was provided for endless controversies and troublesome litigations. Bagnall, however, died before his Grant was made. His title, therefore, lapsed and Trelawny and Goodyear were left in undisputed possession of a most desirable location for the development of large plans and purposes.
GEORGE RICHMOND & RICHMOND'S ISLAND.
Footnotes continued from previous page.
plain in 1605", says Baxter (George Cleeve of Casco Bay, 19, 20), "it acquired its name of Richman's or Richmond's Island. Dim and uncertain are the glimpses we get of this period. We have the names of several men who were living in the house at Casko in 1630, and for a brief moment the shadowy curtain of the past is lifted, the cradle of Puritanism in that unfortunate land (Trelawny Papers, 143, 144), but he sudden- disappears, leaving us perplexed and disappointed. Certain, however, is it, that George Richmond was at the head of some enterprise, which employed men; which required the building of a vessel and the possession of a considerable stock of merchandise; and there seems to be reason to believe that he gave his name to this island, which was soon to become an important station for trade and a goal to which ships upon the coast should direct their course."
Farnham Papers, 1, 152-156.
2. Ib., 162, 163.
p.215
CAPE PORPOISE.
JOHN STRATTON, 1631
CAMMOCK AND BLACK POINT.
Concerning the Grant of two thousand acres of land at Cape Porpoise made by the Council for New England to John Stratton, December 2, 1631, we have little information. Baxter says Stratton came hither from Shotley, Suffolk County, England.1 The earlier settlers, as the reader already has noticed, sought the islands on the coast, before establishing themselves upon the main land; and in all proba-Stratton was in possession of the two islands2 off Cammock's location, and already known as Stratton's Islands.
CAPE PORPUS.
But when Cammock returned to England in order to secure a Grant of Black Point, Stratton, possibly after consultation with Cammock, was impressed with the desirability of seeking in his own right, a place for settlement on the main loand. Cape Porpoise was not far away, and possessed advantages for fishing and trade that a man of Stratton's experience was not likely to overlook. Application, accordingly, was made for a Grant of that location. The Patent as issued gave to Stratton two thousand acres, "butting upon the south side of border of the river or creek called by the name of Cape Porpus, and on the other side northwards creek mouth of Cape Porpus, into the south side of the harbor's mouth of Cape Porpus, aforesaid, with all commodities and privileges proper for his necessary occasions, as by his said Grant more at lareg appeareth".3 The patent itself, however, long ago disappeared, and the which "more at large" would appear if the original grant, or a copy, had been preserved, has disappeared with it, and only the above abstract of the limits of the Grant has come down to us.4 According to these Records, theconsiderations that moved the members of the Council to make the grant, were that Stratton "had lived in New England these three years past"
Footnotes.
1. Trelawny Papers, 199.
2. The larger island is still known as Stratton's Island; the other is called Bluff island.
3.Farnham Papers, 163, 164.
4. Records of the Great Council, Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 1867, 100, 101.
p.216 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
and had expended 1,000 in transporting cattle hither, providing care-takers, etc. It is not thought that Stratton lived long in his new settlement, as his name is on the list of inhabitants in Salem, Mass., in 1637. His "Stratton Islands", he conveyed to Thomas Cammock in 1640.1 Of his Cape Porpoise grant, he was dispossessed by Thomas Gorges, who, as the Deputy Governor of the Province of Maine, was here in 1640-1643, representing the interests of his cousin, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in the government of New England.2 But Stratton may not have regarded this as a loss. Winter, writing to Trelawny from Richmond's Island, July 7, 1634, mentioned the large number of new arrivals from England, but adds, "they all set themselves in the Bay of Massachusetts". It is possible that Stratton abandoned his acres at Cape Porpoise, in order to join those who were making their way towards the more flourishing Massachusetts settlements.
FERDINANDO GORGES & COLONEL WALTER NORTON.
AGAMENTICUS RIVER.
On the same day, December 2, 1631,3 the Council for New England, granted to Ferdinando Gorges, Lieutenant Colonel Walter Norton, and others, twelve thousand acres of land on each side of the Agamenticus River, together with one hundred acres of land adjoining for each colonist transported thereto within the next seven years, and who should abide there three years "either at one or several times".4 The location was a peculiarly attractive one. Ferdinando Gorges, the first mentioned of the Grantees, was the son and heir of John Gorges of London, and the grandson and heir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. Referring in his Briefe Narration5 to this Grant, Sir Ferdinando says that Lieutenant Colonel Norton
EDWARD GODFREY.
Footnotes.
1. York Deeds, I, Folios 85, 86.
2. For an interesting sketch of Thomas Gorges, and also his Will, see Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II, 186-192.
3. "On account of changes among the Grantees, a new patent of nearly the same tenure was issued March 12, 1632." Farnham Papers, I, 159.
4. Farnham Papers, 159-161. Concerning a renewal of the Grant to Edward Godfrey and others in 1639, see Calenddar of State Papers, Colonial Series, I, 266. Search for the original of the Grant of December 2, 1631, has not been rewarded. 5. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his Province of Maine, II. 57.
p.217 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
ton, "strongly suggested to the business of plantation", made him acquainted with his plans and purposes, and asked his aid in obtaining a patent, expressing at the same time his desire that Sir Ferdinando himself would consent to become "an undertaker with him".
Gorges declined any such close personal connection with the enterprise, but showed his deep interest in it, by making his granson, Ferdinando Gorges, his representative in connection with the undertaking. A further glimpse of the enterprise, Sir Ferdinando Gorges records in these words: "Hereupon he (Lieutenant Colonel Norton) and some of his associates hastened to take possession of their territories, carrying with them, their families, and other necessary provisions, and I sent over for my son, my nephew, Captain William Gorges, who had been my Lieutenant at the Fort of Plymouth, with some other craftsmen for the building of houses, and erectting saw-mills".1
YORK, MAINE, FIRST AGAMENTICUS & THEN GORGEANO.
Named in honor of York, England.
The hopes of Gorges with reference to his interests here, were greatly strengthened by this plantation on the Agamenticus. At the first, his thoughts with reference to an English settlement within the limits of his domain, had centered in the region of the Sagadahoc. More and more they were centered here. The town that sprang up on the banks of the Agamenticus, and at first was known as Agamenticus, received at length from Gorges, the name of Gorgeana.
Later, it came to be known as York, Maine, the name Levett gave to his settlement in Casco Bay, in honor of York, England, his birthplace, and which now was again bestowed to commemorate on this side of the Sea, that historic English town. (insert: York, England, where John Prescott lived, prior to his arrival at Boston (to Watertown), Massachusetts in 1630.)
THE STATE OF MAINE.
ROBERT ALDWORTH & GILES ELBRIDGE.
PEMAQUID, MAINE.
Having made this Grant near the southern limit of what is now known as the State of Maine, the Council for New England returned to that part of the Maine coast which earliest received its attention; and on February 29, 1631, issued to Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge, a patent conveying twelve thousand acres of land, "to be laid out near the river commonly called or known by the name of Pemaquid".
The Grant also included, as in the Agamenticus Grant and upon the same conditions, one hundred
Footnote. 1. Baxter, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine, p.58.
p.218. THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
ROBERT ALDWORTH AND GILES ELBRIDGE.
acres of land for each person transported thither by those receiving the Grant of twelve thousand acres. The Grant was made more specific, by the statement that the twelve thousand acres were to be located "next adjoining to the lands where the people or the servants of the said Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge are now seated or have inhabited, for the space of three years last past.1
MONHEGAN - ROBERT ALDWORTH & GILES ELBRIDGE 1626.
PURCHASED FROM ABRAHAM JENNINGS.
In these words there is clear evidence of the growth of the colonizing efforts on this part of the Maine coast. Robert Aldworth and Giles Elbridge have already been mentioned in connection with the sale of Monhegan, which they purchased in 1626 from Abraham Jennings.
Aldworth and Elbridge, prominent merchants at Bristol, England, bought the Island of Monhegan for the purpose of securing greater advantages in the prosecution of their business interests. They now sought to enlarge these interests by establishing their varied operations on the main land. In fact, they seem already, in part at least, to have transferred their business interests thither, and only needed enlarged opportunities and facilities in order to develop a prosperous English community on American soil.
ABRAHAM SHURT, AGENT IN PURCHASE OF MONHEGAN.
In all probability they had received advice and encouragement in these proceedings from Abraham Shurt, whom they sent hither as their Agent in the purchase of Monhegan. A resident of Pemaquid, he had been there long enough to become familiar with the advantages which the place offered for business purposes, and for introducing colonists to favorable locations for settlement.
THE MUSCONGUS GRANT.
Unquestionably, too, large land-ownership had its attractiveness to English eyes. In all propablility, also, the issue of the Muscongus Grant of the preceding year was not without influence upon Aldworth and Elbridge. They lost no time, therefore, in securing from the Council for New England, the grant that meant
Footnote. 1. Farnham Papers, 165-172. A certified copy of this patent, made on parchment for notarial purposes, is in the Library of the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, Massachusetts. In 1737, the Patent was recorded at York, Maine. See manuscript volume of York Deeds, XVIII, folios 112-114. The original has disappeared.
p.219 NUMEROUS GRANTS FOR SETTLEMENTS.
meant so much to them in connection with their varied business interests.
"Pemaquid River"
The date of the Grant is noteworthy, as it was issued by the Council on February 29th, and therefore in a Leap Year.1 Its limits, also are noteworthy because of their indefiniteness. The grant was to be laid out "near the river commonly called, or known by the name of Pemaquid", and "along the sea coast as the coast lyeth, and so up the river as far as may contain the said twelve thousand acres".
ABRAHAM SHURT.
CAPTAIN WALTER NEALE.
If there were difficulties in determining the bounds of a grant thus laid out, the difficulties were easily removed, according to a deposit -made by Abraham Shurt. December 25, 1662. Shurt was then about fourscore years old, and his memory was not good when he mentioned dates; but he seems to have been clear in his recollections that when Captain Walter Neale, at the request of Aldworth and Elbridge, placed him in posession of twelve thousand acres, the Grant was made to extend "from the head of the river of Damariscotta to the head of the river of Muscongus and between it to the sea.
DAMARISCOVE.
Damariscove was included as belonging to Pemaquid, it being an island situated and lying within three leagues of Pemaquid Point".2 Another matter of interest in connection with the Grant, is the provision it contained for the establishment of civil government within its limits, the Grantees being given authority for incorporation "by some unusual and fit name and title, with liberty .... to make orders, laws, ordinances and constitutions for the rule, government, ordering and directing of all persons to be transported and settled upon lands hereby granted, intended to be granted or hereafter to be granted". With the increase of settlers, the need of laws and the administration of law would readily appear, and the inference doubtless is not unwarranted that this provision was included in the patent at the suggestion of
Footnotes.
1. February 29, 1631, old style.
2. Report of Commissioners to Investigate the Causes of the Difficulties in the County of Lincoln, 40.
p.220
ABRAHAM SHURT.
Abraham Shurt, who, from what is known concerning him, may be regarded as standing for law and order at Pemaquid and vicinity.1
1. Farnham papers, 170. There was much complaint of the prevalence of lawlessness in the early settlements. Winter, writing to Robert Trelawny from Richmond's Island, June 26, 1635, said: "Here lacks good government in the land, for a great many men deal very ill here for want of government." Trelawny Papers, 61. (pictured here is the affidavit of Richard Vines and Henry Josselyn, October 3, 1640. |
