p.264 CHAPTER XV.
THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
CAPE SABLE.
The Charter of Nova Scotia, granted by King James I, September 10,
1621, to Sir William Alexander,1 Secretary of State to the King, in-
cluded the territory on the Atlantic coast from Cape Sable, to the
mouth of the St. Croix river, and northward to its "remotest source";
thence northward to the nearest river "discharging itself into the
great river of Canada and proceeding from it by the sea shores of the
same river of Canada, eastward to the river, commonly known and called
by the name of Gathepe - or, Gaspie, and thence southeastward to the
island called Baccaloes...thence to the cape or promontory of Cape
Britton...lying near the latitude of 45 degrees or thereabout; and
from the said promontory of Cape Britton toward the south and west
to the aforesaid Cape Sable, where the circuit began"; also "all seas
and islands toward the south within forty leagues, including the great
island, commonly called "Isle de Sable or Sablon".2
Insert: Cape Sable Island by Wikipedia.
Cape Sable Island was inhabitated by the Mi'kmaq who knew it as
Kespoogwitk meaning "land's end". It was first charted by explorers
from Portugal who named it Beusablom, meaning "Sandy Bay".
French governor of Acadia, Charles De La Tour self-colonized
Cap de Sable giving it the present name, meaning Sandy Cape.[1]
La Tour built up a strong post at Cap de Sable beginning in 1623,
called Fort Lomeron in honour of David Lomeron who was his agent
in France. Here he carried on a sizable trade in furs with the
Mi'kmaq and farmed the land. La Tour retired to Cap de Sable with
his third wife Jeanne Motin, wed in 1653, and passed away in 1666.
Following the Acadian Expulsion in the 1750s, the island was settled
by the New England Planters from Cape Cod and nearby Nantucket Island.
The waters off southwestern Nova Scotia had been well known to them
probably since the days of French settlement in the early 1600抯.
While the tides of the Gulf of Maine may have brought a few exploring
fishermen from Nantucket to the island, it was an entirely different
tide that spawned the eventual permanent English settlement � a
political tide.
Many Cape New Englanders took advantage of the offer of 50 acres
of land to each male adult who would leave their homes and live on
those vacated lands in Atlantic Canada.
CAPE SABLE ISLAND.
Cape Sable Island was well known to Cape Cod fishermen and they moved
north in 1760 to take advantage of a new life. The Cape Sable settlement
soon became, and remains today, an important base for inshore fisheries.
It is famous as the birthplace of the Cape Islander fishing boat, a
motor fishing boat which emerged about 1905.[3] Ferry service provided
transportation to the island in the early 20th century. A causeway was
eventually constructed for pedestrian and automobile traffic, opening
on August 5, 1949. Today the lobster fishery is the island's biggest
industry.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
SCOTLAND.
Sir William Alexander, Secretary of State - Scotland.
By a subsequent Charter, King Charles I,
Footnotes. It is conjectured that Sir William Alexander's attention
was first directed to Nove Scotia, by Claude de la Tour, a French
Protestant, who had been in that country with Pourtrincourt. It is
known that in 1621 he was in Scotland, where Sir William was Secre-
tary of State to King James. When Captain John Mason returned from
Newfoundland, Sir William Alexander sought an interview with him to
avail himself of the opportunity of opening this side of the Atlantic
for securing large land possessions, suggesting that he confer with
Gorges and seek his assistance in securing from the King, a grant
of territory north-east of the grant, to the council for New England.
But Sir William Alexander went directly to the King, who conveyed to
him the territory of Nova Scotia. For an extended account of Sir
William Alexander's connection with American affairs, see Sir
William Alexander and American Colonization, by Reverend Edmund F.
Slafter, A.M., Prince Society, Boston, Massachusetts, 1873. 2.
Farnham Papers, I, 59, 60.
p.265 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER OF SCOTLAND.
KING JAMES I, NOVA SCOTIA AND SCOTLAND.
July 12, 1625, confirmed the Grant of King James I, and a clause
was added which incorporated Nova Scotia with Scotland.1 Two
years later, with the aid of Sir David Kirk, who was a French
Protestant, Sir William Alexander instituted measures for the
expulsion of French settlers within the limits of his Grant, and
to a considerable degree these measures were successful.
Opposition, however, was awakened on the part of France. The
French King insisting that the territory invaded was within the
limits of New France; and, in order to advance the interests of
the monarchy within the disputed territory, an organization was
formed,2 known as the Company of New France. To this company,
the whole territory was ceded by the King on condition that
the French occupation of Acadia should be strengthened by new
colonists. With this end in view, preparations were made for an
expedition thither under the direction of Isaac de Razillai.2
By a Charter granted February 2, 1629,4 King Charles I, extended
the bounds of Sir William Alexander's territory to the "gulf of
California", with "the islands lying within the said gulf; as
also, all and whole the lands and bounds adjacent to the said
gulf on the west and south, whether they be found a part of the
continent or mainland or an island (as it is thought they are)
which is commonly called and distinguished by the name of
California". This was for the encouragement of Sir William
Alexander in "the expected revealing and discovery of a way or
passage to the seas, which lie upon America on the west, common-
ly called the south sea, from which the head, or source of that
great river or gulf of Canada, or some river flowing into it,
is deemed to not far distant". The lack of geograpHical knowledge,
evinced
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 76-80. 2. The company was
organized by Cardinal Richelieu in 1627. Its Charter not only
gave the company all of New France, but also the right to confer
titles of distinction. Farnham Papers, I, 172. 3. He was a dis-
inguished Naval commander and belonged to a well-known Touraine
family. 4. Farnham Papers. I, 82-85.
p.266 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
in this description, is not surprising in a document of that
period. Exploration of the American continent westward required
time.
SIR WILLIAM ALEXANDER AND THE KING OF SCOTLAND.
Sir William Alexander doubtless received early information with
reference to the designs of the Company of New France; and April
30, 1630,1 he granted to Claude de la Tour, his son Charles de la
Tour and their heirs, "the country and coast of Acadia", both
father and son having promised "to be good and faithful vassels"
of the King of Scotland.
Conditions, however, were soon and unexpectedly changed. About the
time Razillai was ready to sail for Nova Scotia, with his expedi-
tionary force, King Charles I, March 29, 1632, by the treaty of
St. Germains2 restored to King Louis XIII, king of France, the
whole of Acadia - a heavy blow to English interests and claims on
the American coast. Razillai was appointed Governor of Acadia,
and having now no need of the forces he had collected for re-
conquering the country, and with a Grant to himself of the river
and bay at St. Croix,3 he set sail to assume command of Acadia.
Charles de la Tour was made one of his lieutenants, and seems to
have been assigned to the command of the territory extending east
of the St. Croix river. He made his headquarters at St. John, where
the river St. John empties into the Bay of Fundy.
AULANY ORDERED TO DISPOSSESS THE ENGLISH FROM PENOBSCOT.
Aulnay, the other lieutenant, who was directed to dispossess the
English at Penobscot, was given command there with instructions,
it is said, to extend French control as far as the Kennebec, if
possible.4 The treaty of St. Germains restored to France "all the
places
Footnotes. 1. Farnham Papers, I, 128-132. 2. Ib., I, 175-177.
2. Ib., I, 175-177. 3. Ib., I, 172-174. 4. So little is known con-
cerning Razillai's orders to his lieutenants that while in the
Farnham Papers (I, 260) we have the statement - "It is believed
that De Razilly, at the same time at which he made la Tour the
commander in West Acadia, appointed D'Aulney his lieutenant "in
East Acadia", in the Massachusetts Historical Society, Ed. of
Bradford of Plymouth Plantation (II, 206) la Tour is said to have
been assigned command east of the St. Croix river and Aulney that
to the west of the river. This seems to have been the arrangement
but documentary evidence, for which search has been made, is lacking.
p.267 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
occupied in New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of the
of the King of Great Britain, now Castine, as within the limits of
British territory, and continued occupation and trade there, not-
withstanding the rifling of their trading house in 1631, as al-
ready mentioned. There was no English occupation still far farther
to the eastward.
Richard Vines of Saco, Maine.
and John Oldham.
Bradford, under date of 1631, records1 the opening of a trading
house, "beyond Penobscot", by Mr. Allerton of Plymouth. The loca-
tion was at what is now known as Machias. It was not a Pilgrim
enterprise, however; in fact, it disregarded Pilgrim interests.
Bradford, in his allusion to it, says that Allerton's purpose was
"to cut off the trade" at Penobscot. He is said to have had as a
partner, or agent, Richard Vines of Saco.
THE PILGRIMS AT PENOBSCOT.
Vines, as has been stated, had a grant of land at Saco, with John
Oldham, as a co-partner. But that Grant in no way could be made a
basis of a claim at Machias, Maine. Allerton, and those associat-
ed with him, were in possession of territory there, as indeed were
the Pilgrims at Penobscot, considering the place within British
territory. In character, Allerton and his company were so defi-
cient that Bradford describes them as "a company of base fellows",
and mentions "gross miscarriages", for which Allerton subseqently
was called to account by the church at Plymouth and made con-
fession. The French, also, called Allerton and his associates to
account. In the fall of 1633, la Tour descended upon them as inter-
lopers on French territory; and in the conflict connected with the
affair, Governor John Winthrop records,2 two of the men were killed,
three others were carried away, and also "the goods". Bradford, in
his statement of the case, adds, "This was the end of that project."3
Razallai, in arriving on the American coast, established himself
at La Heve (Liverpool) Nova Scotia, where he erected a fort.
Aulnay, in accordance with his orders "to clear the coast unto
Footnotes. 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, Massachusetts Histori-
cal Society, Ed. 1912, II, 133. 2. Journal, I, 177. 3. History of
the Plymouth Plantation, II, 133, 134.
p.268 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Pemaquid and Kennebec of all persons whatever",1 proceeded to
take possession of Penobscot. Bradford, in his account of Aulnay's
procedure, wrote:2 "Aulnay, coming into the harbor of Penobscot,
and having before got some of the chief that belonged to the house
aboard his vessel, by subtlety coming upon them in their shallop,
he got them to pilot him in; and after getting the rest into his
power, he took possession of the house in the name of the King of
France; and partly by threatening, and otherwise, made Mr. Willett
(their agent there) to approve of the sale of the goods there unto
him, of which he set the price himself in effect, and made an in-
ventory thereof (yet leaving out sundry things), but made no pay-
ment for them; but told them in convenient time, he would do it
if they came for it. For the house and fortifications, etc., he
would not allow, nor account anything, saying that they who build
on another man's ground do forfeit the same. So thus turning them
out of all (with a great deal of compliment and many fine words),
he let them have their shallop and some victuals to bring them
home."3
On their arrival at Plymouth, the Pilgrim party reported the facts
connected with Aulnay's seizure of the trading house and its goods.
At once, the Pilgrim spirit was stirred,4 and their leaders
THOMAS WILLETT OF PLYMOUTH.
Footnotes. 1. Massachusetts Historical Society's Collection.,
VII, 94. 2. History of the Plymouth Plantation, II, 206, 207.
3. In his account of the great storm that struck the James at
the Isles of Shoals, Reverend Richard Mather mentions an inci-
dent in connection with this French descent upon the Pilgrim
trading house at Penobscot. The trading house ws in charge of
Thomas Willett of Plymouth, and Mather records:
Mr. Willett of Plymouth.
"In the storm, one Mr. Willett of Plimouth and three men with
him, having been turned out of all their havings at Penobscot
about a fortnight before, and coming along with us in our ship
from Richmond's Island, with his boat and goods in it, made fast
at the stern of our ship, lost his boat with all that was there-
in, the violence of the waves breaking the boat in pieces, and
sinking the bottom of it into the bottom of the sea." Journal,
August 15, 1635. 4. Edward Trelawny, at Richmond's island, also
had stirrings, and he urged his brother, in Plymouth, England, to
petition to the Lords "for some seasonable course to be taken with
the French here, otherwise there will be but small hope in continu-
ing our plantations so near them, who daily draw (see footnotes p.
269)
p.269 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
proceeded "to consult with their friends in the Bay", intending
with their approval "to hire a ship of force, and seek to beat
out the French"; regarding evidently the St. Croix, not the
Penobscot, as the western boundary of French territory, as in
the grant to Sir William Alexander.
THE PILGRIMS AND THEIR SHIP, "THE GREAT HOPE"
COMMANDED BY GIRLING.
The Bay colonists gave their approval to the Pilgrim project,
"if themselves could bear the charge". Accordingly, the Pilgrims
secured, for their purpose, a vessel of about three hundred tos,
named "The Great Hope," "well fitted with ordnance" and commanded
by "one Girling", who agreed to drive off the French, and deliver
the trading house again into the hands of the Plymouth men for
seven hundred pounds of beaver, which was to be delivered to him
there when he had accomplished the undertaking. If he failed,
Girling was "to lose his labor and have nothing.
CAPTAIN MYLES STANDISH
AND Ship, The Great Hope - visits Maine.
Captain Myles Standish, with twenty men, accompanied Girling to
Penobscot in a Pilgrim vessel, on which was the promised beaver.
Standish piloted the ship, Great Hope to the harbor of Penobscot;
but before the French fort was within reach of his guns, Girling,
without waiting to summon the French to surrender, as Captain
Standish "had commission and the order so to do, neither would
do it himself", and so come to "a fair parley"; but he began "to
shoot at a distance like a mad man, and did them no hurt at all".
INSERT.
MYLES STANDISH
New England Marriages Prior to 1700
by Clarence Almon Torrey.
p.700
Alexander Standish (ca 1626-1702) & 1st wife, Sarah (Alden) (1629-1685?) d.
many years before 1686?) ca. 1650/2? Duxbury?
Alexander Standish (ca 1626-1702) & 2nd wife, Desire (Doty) (Sherman)
Holmes (ca 1645-1732) w William, w Israel; 1686?; Marshfield.
Ebenezer Standish (1672-1755) & Hannah Sturtevant ca 1679-1759; b. 1698, Plympton.
James Standish (-1679) & Sarah ____? who m. (2) Richard Hutchinson ?1670,
1679?; m. (3) Thomas Root, 1682, 1683, ca 1638/1640? Salem/Manchester/Lynn.
Josiah Standish (-1690) & 1st wife, Mary Dingley (-1655, 1665) Dec 19, 1654, Marshfield.
Josiah Standish (-1690) & 2nd wife, Sarah (Allen)? (1639-); after July 1, 1665, Duxbury/Preston, CT.
Myles Standish (1584-1656) & 1st wife Rose ____? (-1621); b. 1620; Plymouth.
Myles Standish (1584-1656) & 2nd wife Barbara (Allen)? (-1659+) between July, 1623 & April 3, 1624; Plymouth/Duxbury.
Myles Standish (-1663) & Sarah Winslow (1638, 1636-1726) m. (2) Tobias
Paine, 1665; m. (3) Richard Middlecot 1673; July 19, 1660, no issue - Boston.
Myles Standish & & Mehitable (Cary) Adams (1670-) w. of Eliashib; Dec
5, 1700; Bristol, R.I./Preston, Conn.
Thomas Standish1 (1612-1692) & 2nd wife, Susanna Smith (1624-1692); b. 1660; Wethersfield, CT.
Thomas Standish (1660-1735) & 1st wife, Mary Church (-1705) m. Mar 20, 1690; 1689/90?; Wethersfield, Conn.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
The Last Will and Testament of Myles Standish.
March 7, 1655
The Last Will and Testament of Captaine Myles Standish, exhibited before the
Court held att Plymouth, Mass. the 4th of May, 1657 on the oath of Captain James
Cudworth; and ordered to bee recorded as followeth:
Given under my hand this March 7th 1655, witnesseth these prsents tha I Myles
Standish, Snr. of Duxburrow being in perfect memory yett deseased in my body
and knowing the fraile estate of man in his best estate, I doe make this to to
be my last will and Testament in manor and forme following:
1. My will is that out of my whole estate my funerall charges be taken out
& my body to be buried in decent manor andif I die att Duxburrow my body to
bee layed as neare as conveniently may bee to my two daughters Lora Standish
&Mary Standish my daughter-in-law.
2. My Will is that out of the remaining parte of my whole estate that all my
just and lawful debts which I now owe or att the day of my death owe, bee paied.
3.
4. I have given to my son Josias Standish upon his marriage one young horse,
five sheep and two heiffers which I must upon the contract of marriage make
forty pounds yett not knowing whether the estate will bear it att prsent, my
Will
is that the resedue remaie in the whole stocke and that every one of my four
sons, viz, Allexander Standish, Myles Standish and Charles Standish may have
forty pounds appeec; if not that they have proportionable to ye remaining parte
be it more or lesse.
5. My Will is that my oldest son Allexander shall have a double share in land.
6. My will is that soe long as they live single that the whole bee in
partnership betwixt them
7. I do ordaine and make my dearly beloved wife Barbara Standis, Alexander
Standish, Myles Standish and Josias Standish joynt exequitors of this my last
Will and Testament.
8. I doe by this my Will make and appoint m y loveing friends Mr. Timothy
Hatherley and Captain James Cudworth supervisors of this my last Will and that
they wil bee pleased to do the office of Christian love to bee helpful to my
poor wife and children by theire Christian counsell and advise; and if any
difference should
arise which I hope will not, my Will is that my said supervissors shall
determine the same and that they see that my poor wife shall have as
comfortable maintainance as my poor state will beare the whole time of her life
which if you my loveing friends pleasse to doe though neighter they nor I shall
bee abel to recompence. I doe not doubt but the Lord will; by mee Myles
Standish.
Further My Will is that Marcye Robenson whome I tenderly love for her
grandfather's sake shall have three pounds in something to goe forward for
her two yeares after my decease which my Will is my overseers shall see
performed.
Further, my will is that my servant John Irish, Jr., have forty shillings more
than his Covenant which will appear upon the towne booke alwaies provided that
hee continue till the time he convenanted be expired in the service of my
executors or any of them with theire joynt concent. March 7th, 1655 by mee,
Myles Standish.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN MYLES STANDISH
The Pilgrims were indignant and remonstrated with Girling, who "at last,
when he saw his own folly", placed his vessel in the position he should
have taken at first and "bestowed a few shot to good purpose". But with
these few shot, he exhausted his supply of powder, and was obliged to
retire, "by which means", says Bradford, "the enterprise was made frus-
trate and the French encouraged; they lay close under a work of earth,
and let him consume himself." When Girling made known this condition
of things to Myles Standish, the latter, in order that the expedition
might not prove a failure, offered to get a supply of powder at the
Footnotes from previous page continued:
towards us, whose neighborhood (I much fear) will prove very preju-
dicail unto us ... for either w must better fortify, or else expose
ourselves to the loss of all". Trelawny Papers, 78.
p.270 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CAPTAIN STANDISH.
nearest plantation. The offer was accepted and Standish bore away;
but subsequently, learning that Girling intended to seize the Pilgrim
vessel on his return and so secure the beaver, Myles Standish sent to
Girling the promised powder supply, but took the beaver home.
Girling made no further attempt to recover the trading house at
Penobscot and "went his way".1
GOVERNOR JOHN WINTHROP OF MASSACHUSETTS.
THE FRENCH PLAN TO "DISPLANT THEM ALL"
This "Rooting out of the English at Penobscot" was an occasion of
anxiety to the English settlers farther down the coast. Governor John
Winthrop, from some source, received a report that the French, with
a larger expedition, threatened "to displant them all" as far as
forty degrees. The extent of the French claim, however, was only
"unto Pemaquid and Kennebec"; but such a report may had some basis in
irresponsible statements that soon found their way to the Maine settle-
ments.
The report occasioned alarm. Edward Trelawny, writing January 10,
1636, from Richmond's Island to his brother, expressed a fear of such
an encroachment. "We must better fortify", he urged, "or else expose
ourselves to the loss of all, which may be prevented by a speedy prepara-
tion, against all assaults".2 Winter, writing from the same place, in
the following summer, and also to Robert Trelawny, added: "The French
have made themselves strong at the place they took last year, here,
from the English, and do report they will have more of the plantations
here about us and this island, for one; therefore we shall need to
strengthen this plantation, for it lies very open as yet for the enemy."3
In their disappointment occasioned by Girling's failure, the Pilgrims
gave consideration to added measures having reference to the recovery
of their possessions at Penobscot. The result was that they turned
again to their friends in the Bay Colony, expressing their fears that
the French were now likely to fortify themselves stongly in the posi-
tions they had taken and would prove "ill
Footnotes: 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 210, 211. 2.
Trelawny Papers, 78. 3. Ib., 86.
p.271 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
neighbors to the English".1 The Bay colonists at first evidently
shared their apprehensions; and at the September meeting of the
Court, it was "Agreed that Plymouth shall be aided with men and
munitions to supplant the French at Penboscot; and it was ordered
that Captain Sellanova shall be sent for, to confer with, about
this business".2 Moreover, John Winthrop, governor of the Bay
colony and his assistants, in a letter dated October 9, 1635, and
signed by all of these officials, replied formally to the Pilgrim
request, recognizing the "weightiness" of the communication and ex-
pressing a desire for a conference with some "man of trust, furnish-
ed with instructions from yourselves, to make such agreement with us
about this business, as may be useful for you and equal for us".
THE PILGRIMS SEND TO BOSTON, CAPT. MYLES STANDISH & THOMAS PRENCE.
In response to this request, the Pilgrims sent to Boston, two of
their number, Captain Myles Standish and Thomas Prence, instructing
them to make an agreement with the Bay colonists upon these terms:
"That if they would afford such assistance as, together with their
own, was like to effect the thing, and also bear a considerable part
of the charge, they would go on; if not, they, having lost so much
already, should not be able, but muse desist and wait further opportu-
nity as God should give, to help themselves."3
LETTER FROM DEPUTY GOVERNOR BELLINGHAM.
The conference was a disappointment to the Pilgrims; "for when it came
to the issue, the Bay colonists would be at no charge", says Bradford.
Deputy Governor Bellingham, in a letter referring to the conference and
its results, wrote: "We showed our willingness to help, but withal we
declared our present condition, and in what state we were, for our ab-
ility to help; which we for our parts shall be willing to improve, to
procure you sufficient supply of men and munition. But for matter of
moneys, we have no authority at all to promise; and if we should, we
shold rather disappoint you than encourage you by that help, which we
are not able to perform."4
Footnotes. 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 211. 2. Massachusetts
Colony Records, I, 160. 3. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 212. 4.
Ib., II, 213.
p.272 THE PILGRIMS.
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
The Pilgrims evidently regarded these words as a diplomatic express-
ion of a refusal on the part of the Bay colonists to engage in the
proposed enterprise on the terms submitted.
Bradford refers to Bellingham's letter as a "breaking off" of these
considerations concerning a recapture of Penobscot; and accuses some
of their merchants of entering into trade relations with the French
there, furnishing them shortly after both "provisions and powder and
shot", and continuing so to do afterward "as they have opportunity for
their profit". In fact, he adds, "the English themselves have been the
chiefest supporters of these French; for besides the, the Boston Mer-
chants, the plantation at Pemaquid, which lies near unto them, doth not
only supply them with what they want, but gives them continual intelli-
gence of all things that passes among the English, especially some of
them, so as it is no marvel though they still grow, and encroach more
and more upon the English, and fill the Indians with guns and munition
to the great danger of the English, who lie open and unfortified, living
upon husbandry; and the other closed up in their forts, well fortified,
and live upon the trade in good security.
If these things be not looked to, and remedy provided in time, it may
easily be conjectured what they may come to. But I leave them".1
Bradford had abundant occasion for such complaints, and only by the
exercise of great self-restraint, doubtless, did he now withhold
added and even stronger reflections.
FRENCH INTERESTS IN MAINE SETTLEMENTS.
French interests in territory adjoining the Maine settlements and even
farther down the coast, were affected by the death of Razillai, which
occurred at La Heve in November, 1635. No time seems to have been lost
by LaTour in seeking to obtain for himself, from the company of New
France, a concession, including lands between the 45th and 46th degrees
latitude, was accorded to him January 15, 1636.2 Nominally a Protestant,
he is mentioned in the concession as possessing zeal for the
Footnotes. 1. History of Plymouth Plantation, II, 213, 214. 2. Farnham
Papers, I, 212, 213.
p.273 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY DESTRUCTIVE TO FRENCH INTEREST.
"catholic religion, Apostolic and Roman". He received at the same
time, the title of "lieutenant general, for the King, - of Acadia in
New France". The intention seems to have been to make La Tour the
successor of Razillai. But however this may be, la Tour and Aulnay
were soon engaged in a struggle for the supremacy, which was contin-
ued through many years and was most destructive to French interests.
When reports of this struggle reached France, the king, Louis XIV,
endeavored to allay dissension by directing the rivals to limit their
activities to matters within the territory to which they had been
assigned by Razillai. Inasmuch, however, as la Tour, by the Company
of New France, had been designated "lieutenant general of Acadia", he
had ground for regarding his authority as extending as far as that
bestowed upon Razillai. So the quarrel was continued. At length,
Aulnay seems to have reached the ear of the king, and his statement
concerning affairs in New France evidently made an impression favor-
able to his interests; for the king, early in 1641, issued an order
authorizing Aulnay to arrest la Tour and send him to France. La Tour,
however, was so strongly entrenched at the mouth of the St. John, that
Aulnay was unable to exercise the authority he had received. Moreover,
at that time, the French government had in hand matters that were re-
garded as of greater importance than the quarrels of French officials
in America - and the rivals were allowed to continue the struggle in
which they were engaged without further interference.
La Tour, avowing himself a Protestant, his interests at the time
doubtless suggesting the avowal,1 now turned to the Puritans of
Massachusetts Bay for sympathy and aid; and some Boston merchants,
to whom he offered desired trading privileges, grasping the opportun-
ity, sent a small vessel thither with a supply of goods.
The parties connected with the transaction stopped on their return
at Pemaquid, where to their surprise, they found Aulnay, who
Footnote. 1. "La Tour was ready at any time to change his religious
belief for his own advantage." Farnham Papers, I, 260.
p.274 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
informed the Boston traders that he had authority for the arrest of
of la Tour; and to emphasize his present relations to the French
government, he threatened to seize any Massachusetts vessel that
should again attempt trading relations with the French at St. John.
In the spring of 1642, Aulnay entered upon offensive operations, and
blockaded the mouth of the St. John river. Accordingly, when a vessel
from Rochelle arrived on the coast, bringing one hundred and forty
colonists to la Tour, the vessel was unable to reach the settlement,
and proceeded to Boston, taking on board la Tour and his wife, who,
under cover of night, succeeded in avoiding the blockade. Prominent
citizens of Boston were ready to render la Tour assistance; but the
Governor and others, for prudential reasons, were unwilling to in-
volve the colony in French dissensions. All, however, were in sym-
pathy with la Tour, in the hope, doubtless, that the rivals would de-
stroy each other sooner or later - and they allowed la Tour to ob-
tain both men and ships as opportunity offered. In this way, la Tour
at length secured four vessels and one hundred and forty-two soldiers
and sailors for an expedition against Aulnay. When all preparations
were completed, the expedition set sail for Penobscot.
It was midsummer and on la Tour's arrival there, he made a vigorous
attack upon Aulnay's fort. But Aulnay defended his position with
such skill and success that la Tour was compelled to withdraw, and
the Massachusetts vessels returned to Boston. The Bay officials were
careful to inform Aulnay of their non-action in the affair; and
though Aulnay was not inclined to accept their explanations, he was
not in a situation in which he could give exact expression to his
feelings. His situation, however, was such that he deemed it important
to strengthen himself with prominent French officials; and he decided
to return to France and present his case to the government in person.
Finding conditions in France unfavorable for any attention to his
interests, Aulnay returned to Acadia and allowed matters to drift on
as before. But at length, the traders on the coast,
p.275 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
Mr. Shurt of Pemaquid.
Mr. Vines of Saco.
Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua.
having business relations with both Aulnay and la Tour, not finding it
easy to secure settlement with either, held a conference and decided
to press their claims jointly and personally. Accordingly, Mr. Shurt
of Pemaquid, Mr. Vines of Saco and Mr. Wannerton of Piscataqua, set out
in midsummer, 1644, with this purpose in view. On their arrival at Peno-
scot, Aulnay held them as prisoners a few days, and then allowed them
to depart. There was no debt collecting, and the creditors evidently
regarded themselves as fortunate in escaping added indignity. Then
they proceeded to St. John, where la Tour suggested an attack upon
Aulnay at Penobscot. Wannerton - a worthless fellow according to such
reports as have come down to us, concerning his character - concluded
to join la Tour in such an expedition. Shurt and Vines seem to have
stood aloof in the matter, though both doubtless were ready to share
in any financial results that would enable la Tour to discharge his
obligations to them.
La Tour's force in the expedition consisted of about twenty men.
Possibly on their arrival, it was found that Aulnay's fort was more
strongly defended than they expected. At least such would seem to
have been the fact; for instead of making the proposed attack, they
proceeded, probably undetected by Aulnay, to a farmhouse, about six
miles from the fort where three of Aulnay's men were posted. One of
these was killed in the attack made upon the house, as also was Wann-
erton; while the two remaining of Aulnay's men were taken prisoners.
The house was then burned, some cattle were killed and the attacking
party soon withdrew; but instead of returning to St. John, they made
their way to Boston.1
The evident sympathy of the Bay colonists for la Tour was resented by
Aulnay, and not long after the Penobscot affair, he sent a commiss-
ioner, M. Morie, and ten men to Boston with documents attesting the
French government's recognition of Aulnay as Governor of Acadia and
lieutenant general, and its withdrawal of its
Footnote. 1. The story is told by Hubbad, Hutchinson and the early
writers of New England history; also by Williamson, History of the
State of Maine, I, 315.
p.276 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
GOVERNOR ENDICOTT OF MASSACHUSETTS.
earlier recognition of la Tour. The result of the conference that
followed was an agreement on the part of Governor Endicott and
Aulnay's commissioner, made and ratified October 8, 1644, to "ob-
serve and keep firm peace" with "Aulnay and all the French, under
his command in Acadia". It was also expressly stipulated that it
should be "lawful for all men, both English and French, to trade
with each other".1 This agreement was ratified by the United
Colonies. Aulnay, however, continued to make trouble, and seized
the Massachusetts vessels that attempted to trade with la Tour at
St. John. When the Massachusetts Bay authorities called attention
to this action, as breaking the agreement recently made, Aulnay
threatened them with resentment on the part of the king of France.
Endicott and his associates could make no such claim to royal supp-
ort. For two years the forces of King Charles I, and those of the
parliamentary commanders, had been engaged in the fierce conflicts
of the civil war in England. The battle of Marston Moor was fought
July 2, 1644, only three months before the above agreement was made;
and when Aulnay threatened the Puritan colonists with resentment on
the part of the French king, King Charles I, was in no condition to
aid his own supporters, much less, the colonists of Massachusetts Bay.
But the colonists manifested no signs of trepidation in their answer
to Aulnay. "They were not afraid", they said, "of anything that he
could do to them, and as for his master, they knew he was a mighty
prince, but they hoped he was just, as well as mighty, and that he
would not fall upon them without hearing their cause; but if he should,
they had a God in whom they put their trust, when all failed".2
In the spring of 1645, learning that la Tour was not at St. John,
Aulnay saw an opportunity, as he thought, for a success attack upon
the garrison there. On his way thither, he fell in with a Massachusetts
trading vessel, which he seized, and then landed his crew on a desolate
island without food and otherwise in a destitute condition. Arriving
at St. John, he at once
Footnotes. 1. Sullivan, History of the District of Maine, 278, 279.
2. Ib., 280.
p.277 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
La Tour's fort commander's wife killed 20 and wounded 13.
attacked la Tour's fort; but the commander's wife, in the absence of
her husband, proved equal to the occasion and made such a vigorous
defense of the fort that Aulnay was compelled to abandon the under-
taking with a loss of twenty killed and thirteen wounded.
THE MASSACHUSETTS CAPTIVES.
On his voyage back to Penobscot, Aulnay stopped at the island where
he landed his Massachusetts captives taken on his way to St. John.
They had suffered much in the ten days they had spent under distress-
ing circumstances. Without returning either their vessels or goods,
Aulney gave them an old shallop, and the men made their way home as
best they could.1
THE INHUMANE TREATMENT.
The Puritan spirit asserted itself when the men, on their arrival
made known their story of inhumane treatment; and the Massachusetts
authorites sent a message to Aulnay calling him to account for his
continued disregard of his agreement with them.
Aulney promised to send messengers to Boston for further confer-
ence; but it was not until late in 1646 that the messengers made
their way thither. On their arrival, they presented a demand for
eight thousand pounds on account of injuries which Aulnay claimed
he had received from Puritan sources. Massachusetts indignantly
denied the rightfulness of the claim and insisted upon strict
fulfilment of existing obligations. Finally Aulnay's messenges
yielded, the former agreement to be regarded by both parties as
still binding; and the Massachusetts governor, on the return of
the messengers, sent to Aulnay a costly sedan, which the viceroy
of Mexico had presented to his sister in the West Indies. In some
transaction, the sedan had come into the possession of the captain
of a Boston vessel in a harbor there. On returning home, the capt-
ain brought the sedan with him, and presented it to the Governor,
who doubtless found pleasure in passing it on to Aulnay.2
CHALRES DE MENOU D'AULNAY
Meanwhile Aulnay and la Tour continued their bitter warfare. In
the spring of 1647, in the absence of la Tour, Aulnay again attack-
ed the Fort at St. John. Madame la Tour, as before, made
Footnotes. 1. Williamson, I, 218. 2. Hubbard, 496, 497, Williamson,
I, 319.
p.278 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
a spirited resistance; but at length, accepting favorable proffered
terms of surrender, she delivered the fort into the possession of
Aulnay, who, disregarding the agrreement into which he had entered,
put the garrison to death with the exception of a single man and
compelled Madame la Tour, with a rope around her neck, to witness
the execution.
Sinking under the heavy burden of her sufferings, Madame la Tour,
in the short ime of three weeks, died. La Tour, for awhile, lived
a low, marauding existence.
As to Aulnay, little information is recorded concerning him, cover-
ing the years that followed the massacre at St. John. He died in
1651. A single gleam of romance falls at length upon this long record
of strife between these two rivals. For notwithstanding the bitter-
ness of the conflict, and its many unhappy and even bitter memories,
la Tour, in 1652, married Aulnay's widow. Then, returning to his
possessions on the St. John river, and developing under changed cir-
cumstances some better traits of character, though not to an extent
desired by his Massachusetts creditors, la Tour spent the closing
years of his life in the undisturbed enjoyment of his large estate.1
PENOBSCOT - A FRENCH OUTPOST.
Penobscot, for awhile, remained a French outpost, though no mention
is made of la Tour's interest in the place. Meanwhile, events of the
greatest importance in the political history of England rapidly
succeeded one another. A great civil war opened and ended. King
Charles I was beheaded January 29, 1649. The Commonwealth of England
took the place of the Kingdom of England.
OLIVER CROMWELL.
The protectorate followed, and in the year 1653 found the executive
power in England, lodged in Oliver Cromwell as Lord Protector. At
that time, twenty-one years had elapsed since Charle I, by the treaty
of St. Germain, ceded to the French King, "all the places occupied in
New France, Acadia and Canada by the subjects of Great Britain".2 The
designation evidently was understood to include all the territory north-
west of the Penobscot Bay and river, a very small part of which was
occupied by British subjects, and
Footnotes. 1. Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, I, 127. 2.
Farnham Papers, I, 176.
p.279 THE FRENCH AT CASTINE.
its delivery to the French monarch, an arbitrary act on the part
of King Charles, was strongly denounced at the time by many of the
King's subjects on both sides of the sear, but especially in New
England, where the near settlements of the French were a constant
source of irritation.
THE PURITANS OF MASSACHUSETTS.
Under existing conditions in England, the Puritans of Massachusetts
now found easy approach to the Lord Protector, who, in 1654, gave
orders for the reconquest of Acadia. This was soon accomplished
by an expedition under the command of Major Robert Sedgwick of
Charleston. No opposition was made at Penobscot, nor even at St.
John, where doubtless any change in territorial matters would not
have disturbed la Tour so long as he was left in possession of his
large estate. By a treaty of peace, made at Westminster, November 3,
1635 between Oliver Cromwell and Louis XIV, King of France, "the right
of either, to the three forts of Pentecost (Pentagoet, or Penobscot)
St. John and Port Royal, in America", was left to be determined by
commissioners. The commissioners, however, did not proceed to action,
and the questions involved remained unsettled until the ratification
of the Treaty of Breda,1 July 21, 1667; but, notwithstanding this
non-action, Oliver Cromwell, September 17, 1656, proceeded to appoint,
as Governor of Nova Scotia, Colonel Thomas Temple, whose territory
was extended along the Maine coast to the St. George's river and,
"Muscontus" - Muscongus.
This account of the French at Castine is carried forward thus far,
in order to bring within the limits of a single chapter, the story
of the occupation of this interesting location on the Maine coast
throughout the period under review in this volume. The name
Footnotes. 1. Farnham papers, I, 311-313. By this treaty, King
Charles II, restored to France "the country of Acadia in North
America", without defining its limits. But notwithstanding the
Royal proclamation, Colonel Temple retained possession of the
territory until the following year. Charles II, then ordered him
to comply with the Treaty stipulations. Accordingly, Colonel Temple,
July 7, 1670, "by reason of present sickness of body upon myself",
laid the unpleasant duty upon one of his subordinates, and Acadia
again became a French possession.
p.280 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
CASTINE.
Castine belongs to a later and more romantic period in the history
of colonial Maine. Pilgrim occupation of this beautiful peninsula
at the head of Penobscot Bay, unquestionably became an important
fact in strengthening the claim of Great Britain territory east of
the Penobscot; and Castine shares distinction with Pemaquid because
of its manifold historical relations throughout a large portion of
the Colonial period. |
