p.342 CHAPTER XX.
ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
PROVINCE OF LYGONIA.
Concerning Winter's attitude toward Cleeve after the latter's re-
turn from Enland, as the Deputy President of the Province of Lygonia,
there is no information. In his last letter to Trelawny, written in
Boston, July 19, 1642, Winter recorded Cleeve's departure in these
words:
"Cleeve is come for England, in a ship that came from Virginia, that
spent her masts and stopped here in Massachusetts Bay, to new mast.
The ship is of London."1 Evidently Cleeve's latest movement had no
important significance to John Winter. In charge of Robert Trelawny's
interests at Richmond's Island and vicinity, he then regarded those
interests as in every way secure. Plainly in his opinion any effort
on the part of Cleeve to thwart the declared purposes of one so power-
ful as Robert Trelawny, was sure to fail, and accordingly Winter, in
his letter to Trelawny, saw no need of added reference to his Mache-
gonne opponent.
Moreover, while Cleeve was taking advantage of conditions in England
that opened to him an easy way to desired success, Winter, apparently
gave them no heed. His letters to Trelawny had no reference to diff-
erences between the King and Parliament, then dividing the Kingdom.
"On the Maine coast, times are very bad"
He makes mention of the fact that on the Maine coast, "the times are
are very bad". He represents business as, "at a standstill". "Here
lies fish unsold for want of a ship to carry it to a market", he
writes. He mourns over the distress of of the people, because there
is "no money to be gotten". He regrets
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 322. Probably the ship was the "Eleanor"
of London. "She was laden with tobacco from Virginia, and was well
fitted with masts, sails, rigging and victuals at such reasonable rates
as the Master was much affected with his entertainment." Winthrop, II,
75.
p.343 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
that English manufactures were not coming to New England as formerly.
"Cloth of all sorts", he says, is "very scarce; both linen and woolen
are dear".1 Indeed all trade relations were in such a depressed
state, that Trelawny wrote to Winter concerning the sale of his inter-
ests at Richmond's Island, Maine, and vicinity. In his reply, Winter
praised the property, but expressed a doubt if, under the circum-
stances, a purchaser could be found.2 In a subsequent letter, Winter
added: "I have written into the Bay to give notice of the intent and
purpose of the sale of (this) plantation; but as yet I hear nothing
from them ..... I purpose, God willing, to go into the Bay, but I
make doubt of finding any there that will buy3 it". Winter went to
Boston, as he proposed, but he found the same conditions there as at
the eastward.
THE SALE OF THE PLANTATION.
"I have acquainted some here of the sale of the plantation", he
wrote to Trelawny, "but cannot learn of any that will buy it".4
The correspondence shows that Winter saw and felt existing condi-
tions in the New England settlements. Writing to Trelawny in one
of his most depressing moods, he said: "There are a great many
weary of this country, and I think have spent most of their
estates, and now are going for the West Indies to liver there,
as soon as they can get passage".5 This statement, of course,
was an exaggerated one, but unquestionably it represented a wide-
spread feeling in the Province, at the time. The noteworthy thing
in connection with it, is the entire absence in Winter's letters of
any reference to affairs in England, as affecting conditions in New
England.
THE ARREST AND IMPRISONMENT, IN ENGLAND OF ROBERT TRELAWNY.
Winter's first awakening to a recognition of the changed political
conditions in England apparently occurred in connection with the
arrest and imprisonment of Robert Trelawny. It will be remembered
that in his last letter to Winter, Trelawny, then a member of Parlia-
ment in England, had insisted that all things in Parliament
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 321. 2. Ib., 284. 3. Ib., 309., 4.
Ib., 321. 5. Ib., 309.
p.344 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
were going "well", and he expressed the hope, to Winter, that in a
few days its members would "settle religion in peace and restore the
subject to his ancient liberty and right of property".1 Doubtless,
Winter, without hesitation accepted Trelawny's encouraging state-
ments. It was enough for him that one so well informed as Robert
Trelawny, had made this forcast concerning England's immediate
future, and he was satisfied.
Winter, was not ledt long, however, in this condition of satisfaction.
Because of his hearty sympathy with the Royal cause and his readiness
to aid it in all possible ways, Trelawny soon fell under suspicion, and
on March 9, 1642, by order of the House of Commons, England, he was
arrested, tried and expelled for having said "that the House could not
appoint a guard for themselves without the King's consent, under pain
of high treason".
Lord Clarendon2 says an attempt was made to prove the charge by a
witness who pretended to have overheard Trelawny. The person with
with whom the conference was held, however, "declared that he said
it 'might' be imputed to them for high treason; and it was confessed
on all parts that the words were spoken long before the discovery,
and some days before the House had resolved 'that they would have a
guard' ". According to the Journal of the House of Commons, also,
the testimony presented at the trial, in support of the charge, was
of very little worth.3 Obviously it would not have been given any
weight whatever in ordinary times. But this was not an ordinary time.
CIVIL WAR IN ENGLAND.
England was rapidly approaching the brink of civil war, and suspic-
ions not only were rife on the part of combtants on either side, but
they were influential, and too often decisive.
It is known that the imprisonment of Robert Trelawny by order of
the House of Commons followed his expulsion, but it may not have
followed immediately. Lord Clarendon says, "when the
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 274. 2. History of the Rebellion,
folio edition, I, 349. 3. Baxter (George Cleeve, 136) says Trelawny
was "a martyr to the prejudice and bigotry which seemed to inspire
all parties alike".
p.345 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
war began to break out", meaning the English Civil War, Trelawny
was "again imprisoned", 1 thus indicating that there had been a
previous arrest and imprisonment; and such probably was the fact.
When, and in what way, the tidings of Trelawny's arrest and im-
prisonment reached John Winter, there is no record. The Trelawny
papers have preserved to us important information concerning life
and affairs in connection with Trelawny's interests at Richmond's
Island and vicinity (Maine) but they fail us in our search for any
letter or letters in which there is even a hint at the misfortunes
that overtook Plymouth's representative in Parliament and the poss-
essor of the Trelawny patent. But such information must have found
its way hither. It may have long been delayed. Robert Trelawny was
arrested and tried March 9, 1642 - as already mentioned; but a letter
written by Winter to Trelawny, July 19, 1642, 2 makes no mention of
Trelawny's misfortunes. Prudential considerations cannot account for
such silence on Winter's part. If Winter had received such intelli-
gence, it seems impossible that he should have failed to give some
expression of regret and hope, in a letter to one with whom he had
held close personal business relations for many years. It is to be
remembered, however, that letters then came to Richmond's Island
only occasionally, and for the most part, by some vessel making its
way to the coast for fishing or trading purposes. Accordingly, the
opportunities for such transmissal were exceedingly irregular.
But one day, still unknown, a sail was discovered approaching Rich-
mond's Island from the eastward. It awakened, at once, eager ex-
pectation, and all eyes were directed towards the newcomer.
When at length, the vessel sailed into the island harbor and the
anchor was dropped, John Winter, we may well believe, was at the
vessel's side and among the first to receive the tidings that
she brought from old England whence she came. How, we shall never
know; but in some way, either by word of mouth, or by letter whose
seal was hastily broken, John Winter heard of the
Footnotes. 1. History of the Rebelion, folio edition, I, 349. 2.
Trelawny Papers, 321, 322.
p.346 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
blow that had fallen upon Robert Trelawny, and there was opened
to him suddenly such a vision of conditions in England as he had
not even dreamed of before. he had supposed that things were go-
ing "well", as Trelwny wrote. Taht they were not going as he would
have them, he now clearly saw: and from that time, John Winter
walked under a shadow that darkened the rest of his days.
Possibly Winter found some encouragement in the thought that
Trelawny's friends might be able, in a short time, to secure his
release, and that business relations between Plymouth and Richmond's
Island might still be maintained. Indeed, by a petition addressed
to the House of Commons, November 23, 1642, Trelawny attempted to
secure his release. Evidently he had no political purposes in view,
yet favorable action did not follow. In fact, in denying the peti-
tioner's request, the Commons ordered that Robert Trelawny should
be committed to Winchester House - the old Bishop's palace at Win-
chester, then devoted by Parliament to prison uses - "there to re-
main during the pleasure of the House".1 In all probability, this
was the second imprisonment to which Lord Clarendon referred to in
his mention of the Trelawny case. March 22, 1643, Trelawny pre-
sented to the House of Commons, a second petition for his release,
the petitioner expressing his readiness to furnish bail; but this
added request was also refused.2
Among the Trelawny Papers there are Richmond's Island accounts from
July 10, 1641 to the lastof June, 1643.3 Evidently in those years
Winter continued to care for the Trelawny interests as hitherto, for
the accounts show it; but they show just as clearly that these were
years in which business at the island, once so prosperous, had greatly
declined. It was under discouraging circumstances, therefore, that
Winter continued his labors. Then too, the tidings that from time to
time reached the Island from England
Footnotes. 1. Journal of the House of Commons, II, 854. 2. Ib., III,
14. 3. Trelawny Papers, 323-335, 344-362.
p.347 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
TRELAWNY DIED AND BURIED BUT IT IS NOT KNOWN WHEN
OR WHERE HE WAS BURIED.
were in no wise cheering. Trelawny's wife, a few days after the
refusal of her husband's first petition for release, died at the
Trelawny residence at Ham, and was laid to rest in the Trelawny
vault in St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth. Depressed by this afflic-
tion and also by failing health, Robert Trelawny made his last
Will and testament, August 24, 1643, a codicil following February
23, 1644.1 Doubtless life had lost all attractions for him and not
long after, certainly before the end of the year, he closed his
career behind English prison bars, and was buried, no one known
when or where. As one thinks of Robert Trelawny's sad and lonely
death, the lines of an old ballad have a new application:
"And shall Trelawny die?
And shall Trelawny die?
Forty thousand Cornishmen
Will know the reason why."
This ballad belongs to a later date than 1644, and its question has
no reference to Robert Trelawny. If, however, the twice repeated
question still rings in our ears as we recall Trelawny's sad end,
and think of his unknown grave, it is to be remembered that war,
even now, when so much is done to mitigate its evils, is a "dreaded
instrument", and the Civil War is the worst of all wars.
Robert Trelawny suffered, as many another, on both sides in the Civil
War in England, suffered, suffering even unto death, and there were
few, if any, to ask the reason why.
After the death of Robert Trelawny, business at Richmond's Island,
Maine, still further declined. The Trelawny interests there, however,
were maintained, so far as can now be ascertained by John King, a mer-
chant of London. An interesting glimpse of Winter and his family about
this time is afforded in a letter from Winter to his married daughter,
Mary Hooper, living in England. It is dated at Richmond's Island, Maine,
June 13, 1644. Winter had not then heard of Robert Trelawny's death, for
in his letter, he informs his daughter that he had directed Mr. Robert
Trelawny to pay her
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 450-456.
p.348 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
fifteen pounds. "I pray demand it of him", he wrote; "where of five
pounds of it is a token from me sent unto you, in token of my fatherly
love unto you; forty shillings of it is a token sent unto you from your
mother; the other eight pounds is for your sister Sara, whereof six
pounds of it, she desired you would bestow in linen cloth for her of
these parts: some cloth of three quarters and half quarter broad, and
some of it neck cloths, and other some for pillow cloths, for she is
now providing to keep a house. She hath been married this five months
to one Mr. Robert Jordan, who is our minister. The other forty shill-
ings she doth send unto you for a token".1
When this letter was written, Winter was evidently enjoying a measure
of health calling for grateful mention. In all probability, however,
it was not long continued. Trelawny's death, under circumstances so
peculiar and distressing, doubtless laid upon Winter, a heavy burden
of sorrow, and may have hastened his own death.
Winter died in the year 1645; buried on the Island.
It is known only that sickness at length compelled him to withdraw
from his usual occupations, and that some time in the year, 1645,
probably near the close of the year, Winter died, and was buried on
the Island which he made the center of Trelawny's interests in the
Province.
In the above quotation from Winter's letter, there is a statement
that enables us to ascertain approximately the time when Robert Jordan
married Sarah Winter. It was early in January, 1644. As Robert Jordan
came to Richmond's Island in 1641, 2 it cannot be said that he made an
early surrender to the charms of John Winter's daughter. The Trelawny
Papers show that he was more expeditious, however, in placing himself
on Winter's side in his attitude toward George Cleeve; for only a
little more than a year after reaching the Island and entering upon
his religious work, Jordan addressed a letter3 to Robert Trelawny in
which he represented himself as "employed at the request of Mr. winter"
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 363. 2. Ib., 287. 3. Ib., 314-320.
p.349 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
in the actions entered upon between him "and the crafty Mr. Cleeve",
and expressed the hope that Trelawny would look upon him "as a faith-
ful agent therein". The letter shows that Jordan already not only had
made himself familiar with Winter's aims and purposes in his conten-
tions with George Cleeve, but had thrown himself into the conflict with
no less energy and far greater ability than John Winter possessed.
MACHEGONNE.
He was not satisfied with a Court decisiion that had recognized Cleeve's
rightful possession of Machegonne. The verdict, he says, was "contrary
to evidence", and when the matter came up again and was settled by
arbitration in Cleeve's favor, Jordan, in making known this result to
Trelawny, says the decision did not seem to him "to be reasonable law
nor conscience", so completely thus early had he taken position as an
ardent ally of Winter.
THE DEATH OF JOHN WINTER.
After John Winter's death, Robert Jordan, as Winter's son-in-law,
took charge of the business interests at Richmond's Island and vicinity.
Those interests, as already mentioned, had declined before Winter's
death. The period of decline continued. Neither fishing nor trading
vessels came hither as formerly, and the scattered settlers anxiously
awaited news and issue of the Civil War in England. So far as is known,
the Trelawny heirs made no attempt whatever to look after their inter-
ests here. Probably the political upheaval in England at that time may
account in part for this neglect. Then too, it is to be remembered that
John Trelawny, Robert Trelawny's son and heir, was less than ten years
of age when his father died and the duty of caring for his American
interests rested upon those who had affairs of their own that engrossed
their attention. Certainly, those who should have given thought and
attention to Trelawny's interests on this side of the sea, failed to
do so, and so gave occasion for feelings at least of regret that have
continued to find expression in the descendants of Robert Trelawny in
successive generations to the present time. This neglect was not
overlooked by Robert Jordan. He knew the value of those interests and
saw the opportunity opening
p. 350 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.`
before him for acquiring in his own right, the shore privileges and
extensive territory covered by the Trelawny patent. As the executor
of the estate of John Winter, Jordan attempted to open communication
with Robert Trelawny's executors. This was a matter of considerable
importance as from an examination of Winter's accounts it appeared
that Trelawny was largely indebted to Winter. But Jordan's letters
to the Trelawny executors brought no reply.
Of course reply should have been made. If on account of the political
crisis in England, and the business disturbances therefrom, the Tre-
lawny executors were unable at that time to undertake the settlement
of these accounts, they should have said so, and asked for delay until
a more favorable opportunity present itself. On the contrary, they
adopted an attitude of silence, and Winter's estate remained unsettled,
doubtless to the disatisfaction of all parties concerned.
It was in this condition of things at Richmond's Island that Cleeve,
as Deputy President of the Province of Lygonia, succeeded in securing
the support of those who, after the death of Winter and the departure
of Vines to the Barbadoes, had been his most strenuous and even bitter
opponents. Recognizing their defeat, and the importance of establishing
law and order in the scattered settlements within the limits of the
province, they laid aside their individual opinions and prejudices,
accepted office in the new government and for awhile labored with Cleeve
and his adherents for the advancement of common interests. In the Court
Records of that period are documents signed by George Cleeve, Henry
Josselyn and Robert Jordan, Judges of the Province of Lygonia, and sitting
side by side in harmonious relations.1.
September 22, 1648, or about three years after Winter's death, Robert
Jordan, having received from Trelawny's executors no response to his
letters, presented a petition to the President, Deputy President and the
General Assembly of the Province of Lygonia, in which he called attent-
ion to "his desperate condition". As the executor of the estate of John
Winter, he had
Footnote. 1. Early Records of Maine, I, 121.
p.351 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
"emptied himself of his proper estate" in order to pay the legacies
mentioned in Winter's Will. Trelawny, at the time of his death, he
said, was greatly indebted to Winter. Indeed, the larger part of
Winter's estate, he claimed, was in the hands of the Trelawny execu-
tors; but though by "persuasive letters" he had urged a settlement
on their part, he had received no reply, and was left "without hope
of any timely recovery" of what was due Winter from the Trelawny es-
tate. Nor was this all. "Their intentions in appearance", he added,
"are to deprive your petitioner of what he hath in his hands in comm-
on employment with them, and so to forbear all satisfaction of dues
until the heir of the said Trelawny (being now about seven or eight
years old) shall come to full age". The result, he said, be "the
destruction of your petitioner and his whole family". It would also
be to "the prejudice of this growing commonwealth"; while if the peti-
tioner "could obtain his rights", it was his desire "to emply his es-
tate to the furtherance of public good, from which he is now disenabled".
Jordan, therefore, asked for an examination of Winter's accounts by
committee or otherwise, and that "upon the inventory thereof", the
petitioner might have "secured and sequested unto himself and for his
singular use, what he hath of the said Trelawny in his hands, or at
least so much as you shall find due from him to the petitioner".1
Robert Jordan's "proper estate" when he came to Richmond's Island,
could not have been large, and, if we may infer from the meager pay
credited to him in Winter's accounts, it is not likely that he was
able to increase it while serving as Minister at the Island and in the
vicinity. In paying Winter's bequests, therefore - it is not known what
they were, as Winter's Will has not come down to us - any small amount
would have drawn heavily upon Mr. Jordan's resources. Accordingly, the
statement of his impoverishment is not to be taken seriously. Evidently,
in making the statement, the petitioner had in view the members of the
general assembly and it was plainly his desire to set before them
Footnote. 1. Trelawny Papers, 365-368.
p.352 THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
at the outset as impressively as possible this view of his "desperate
condition". The Petition, as may be inferred, was one in which the
members of the General Assembly of the province, were much interested.
With Trelawny's territory and interests in the possession of Robert
Jordan, they were persuaded that improvement in business matters would
follow not only at Richmond's Island, but in the neighboring settle-
ments. The petition was readily granted and George Cleeve, William
Royall, Richard Foxwell and Henry Watts, were appointed a committee
to examine Winter's accounts as requested; also to report at the next
meeting of the Assembly "the state of the thing petitioned for".1
The members of the Committee proceeded to Richmond's Island as direct-
ed and examined Winter's accounts, on which Jordan's claims rested. AT
the examination, the Trelawny heirs were not represented, and in all
probability they had no such notice of the action of the Assembly as
would enable them to be represented. Indeed it is not known that they
received any notice. The action of the assembly occurrred September
12, 1648, and December 18, following, the committee having reported,2
it was ordered by the assembly3 that it should be lawful for the peti-
tioner, "Robert Jordan, his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns,
to retain, occupy to his and their use and profit, to convert all the
goods, lands, cattle and chattels belonging to Robert Trelawny, de-
ceased, within this province, from this day forward and forever against
any claim or demand whatsoever by what party or parties soever".
In this way the Trelawny territory and the Trelawny interests on this
side of the sea, came into the immediate legal possession of Robert
Jordan. In the order adopted by the Assembly, it was indeed added that
the Executors of Robert Trelawny should have the privilege of redeem-
ing and releasing the Trelawny goods,
Footnotes. 1. Trelawny Papers, 369. 2. Ib., 377-383. 3. Ib., 370, 371.
p.353 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
lands, etc., "by the consent and allowance of the said Robert Jordan,
his heirs, executors, administrators and assigns". This redemption
clause in the order, however, offered little hope tothe Trelawny heirs.
Robert Jordan and his successors, placed in possession of the Trelawny
territory and interests in the Province of Lygonia, were likely to hold
them, as was made to appear in the further unfoldings of proceedings
with reference to Trelawny's American estate.
Machegonne, or Casco Neck.
The order of the assembly giving Jordan possession of Trelawny's lands
was signed by George Cleeve as Deputy President of the Province of Ly-
gonia. In his conflicts with Winter, Cleeve, in Robert Jordan, had
found Winter's ablest and most resourceful ally; and in placing Jordan
in such a position of power and influence as that which he now came to
occupy, he exhibited great repression of personal feeling. Under the
circumstances, he doubtless thought it was for the general good that
such a settlement should be made. He had occasion, however, to regret
this action during the remainder of his troubled life. Reference has
already been made to Winter's claim that Trelawny's patent embraced
Machegonne, or Casco Neck, as the place came to be called.
The claim was finally settled in Court in Cleeve's favor. But Jordan,
not long after he came into the possession of the Trelawny acres,
furnished evidence that he had not forgotten this former claim in
which he had supported Winter; and he, at length, commenced pro-
ceedings of an artful kind, by which, having obtained the privi-
lege of erecting a saw-mill, on the Presumpscot River, he asserted
a prior claim based on his possession of Trelawny's patent. More
and more heavily Cleeve was not made to feel the blows that were
struck by his younger antagonist.
The story of the wrongs that Cleeve suffered because of Jordan's
efforts to maintain his claim to Casco Neck, is a long one, and
involves transactions extending beyond the limits of the period
under review in this volume. Cleeve sought to obtain redress for
his wrongs, but the death of Colonel Rigby in 1650, deprived him
of needed support. During the Commonwealth and the Pro-
p.354 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
tectorate, Massachusetts, having interests here of her own, was
not inclined to listen to the contentions of rival claimants with-
in her newly acquired jurisdiction.
After the restoration of King Charle II, added efforts on the part
of Cleeve were useless. In fact, the King's commissioners, who came
hither at the request of the Royalist party in Maine for the purpose
of advancing Royalist interests in the province, declared the Grants
of the territory made by Cleeve, on authority derived from Rigby,
to be null and void.
In this way, all hope of redress was extinguished and not long after
the announcement of this decision, Cleeve found in teh grave that
peace of which he had known so little in his long and troubled life.1
Some time after the death of John Winter, Robert Jordan removed his
family to the mainland and made his residence at Spurwink. Having
yielded unwilling obedience to the authority of the Massachusetts
Bay Colony, he was one of those who, on the
GEORGE CLEEVE.
Footnote. 1. "George Cleeve has been criticised adversely by several
writers who have been hasty in forming opinions based upon teh care-
less remarks of a careless writer, or upon an insufficient study of
his acts. In a time when men of upright lives were charged with wrong
doing, the social conditions amid which they lived making such charges
easy, the character of Cleeve appears exceptionally clean.
Every charge on record against him has been noted in this brief
account of his life and times, that the reader might be able to
form an independent judgment of the correctness of this statement,
by comparison on his record with that of his contemporaries who have
been commended for moral attainments by their biographers. That he
was a man of great energy and perseverance, ready to take advantage
of an opponent when in conflict; aye, more, an ambitious and selfish
mand to the degree that most men since his time have been, we may
justly admit. Such qualities, some of which are not consonant with
the ideal Christian character, have been possessed by successful and
honored men of all times, and, we may not uncharitably suppose are
possessed by such men even in this more enlightened day; but that he
was an immoral or dishonest man, we may not justly admit; indeed, we
may claim, after a careful examination of such facts as have been pre-
served relating to his character, in connection with the turbulent
times in which he played his part, that he stood morally above the
average of the people about him." Baxter, George Cleeve, 210, 211.
With Mr. Baxter's estimate of the character of George Cleeve, the
writer of this volume is in entire agreement.
p.355 ROBERT JORDAN AS WINTER'S SUCCESSOR.
restoration of Charles II, sought the King's assistance in estab-
lishing new governmental relations in the Province, and with Josselyn
and others of the Royalist Party was indicted in 1663 by the Massa-
chusetts Grand Jury for renouncing the authority of the Bay Colony.
The arrival of the King's commissioners in the Province, in 1665, re-
vived the hopes of Jordan and his Royalist associates; but it was only
for a while. By prudent management in her relations with the Province,
and also with the governmental party in England, Masschusetts succeed-
ed maintaining her authority, and opposition at length ceased.
THE SECOND INDIAN WAR.
In the second Indian War, Jordan left his home at Spurwink and esta-
blished his residence at Great Island, now Newcastle, New Hampshire,
where he died in 1679. Thourgh his Will, 1 which has come down to
us, we get a glimpse of the broad lands that came into his possession
by order of the General Assembly of the province. To his wife, Sarah,
he bequeathed three thousand acres, and to his sons, Dominicus, Jeded-
iah and Samuel, he bequeathed thirty-one hundred acres. Repeated efforts
at length were made by the Trelawny heirs to obtain possession of this
large territory, but all their efforts were unsuccessful; so that "ow-
ing partly to many long minorities, or to the feeble and desultory
manner in which the claims had been followed up, their posterity,
under the statute of limitation, became debarred from all further
attempt at recovery".2 This fact, however, has not destroyed the
interest of the Trelawny heirs in matters connected with their
family history here. As an evidence of their "Christian love and
good will", they have presented to the Maine Historical Society, in
recent years, the valuable, indeed priceless Trelawny Papers, which
so often have been referred to in these pages, and which furnish so
much information concerning affairs and conditions connected with
the beginnings of Colonial Maine.
Footnotes. 1. York Deeds. 2. Trelawny Papers, Memoir, p. xxviii. |
