p.356 CHAPTER XXI.
MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
At the close of the first half of the seventeenth century what is now
the State of Maine included four distinct territorial divisions. The
first ws the comparatively small tract of country between the Pisca-
taqua and the Kennebunk Rivers, the only remaining part of Sir Ferdin-
ando Gorges1 Royal Province of Maine.
The second division comprised the territory confirmed to Colonel
Alexander Rigby, after his purchase of the Lygonia or Plough patent,
and known as the Province of Lygonia, extending from the Kennebunk
river to Kennebec. East of the Kennebec, forming the third division,
was the tract of country that may be designated as the Sagadahoc
territory, situated between the Kennebec and the Penobscot rivers.
A fourth division, extending from the Penobscot eastward as far as
the St. Croix River, was claimed by the French as included within
their territorial limits.
References to this claim occur in some of the preceding chapters.
The claim itself reappears in the commission bestowed upon Aulnay by
King Louis XIV in February, 1647, the western boundary of France upon
the Atlantic coast being carried in that commision "as much and as can
be as far as the Virginias".1 At that time the word "Virginias" was
used as a designation of New England, and "Virginias" doubtless had
that signification in Aulnay's commission. The rightfulness of the
French claim was denied in England and by the English colonists on
the American coast, and the determination to maintain England's right
to the territory found frequent and forceful expression as has
already appeared.
When the first half of the seventeenth century drew to a close,
Footnote. Farnham Papers, I, 262.
p.357 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
however, neither England nor the English colonists on the Atlantic
seaboard were in a condition to maintain their territorial claims
in opposition to the claims of France. The attempt to establish
in England a new form of government, to take the place of that under
which the people of England hath hitherto lived, was a work that was
pressing and demanded the strongest possible endeavors on the part of
those upon whom the arduous task now fell. The claim of England in
opposition to the claim of France, however, was not yielded, but
matters pertaining to territorial rights were for the present held
in abeyance.
In the first three of these territorial divisions there was growth
in the half century, but it was slow. Help that should have come to
the colonists was not received. Gorges, the one dominant figure in
the effort to develop colonial interests within these limits, was a
strenuous supporter of King Charles and the Royal prerogatives.
Moreover, he had no sympathy with those who were opposed to the King
and had brought about the great upheaval in which the King's over-
throw was accomplished. The strong Puritan movement exerted no in-
fluences upon his wishes and hopes. What he desired to see, and what
he aimed to create in his colonizing efforts, was a New England, of
which he, as governor general, should be the head. If King Charles
had yielded in his conflict with Parliament, and there had been no
Civil War in England, Gorges might have accomplished his purpose and
have aided Archbishop Laud in his endeavor to establish the Anglican
Church in New England. But King Charles did not yield and the Civil
War in its onward progress resulted in the destruction not only of the
King's despotic rule, but of Gorges' feudal visions.
The death of Gorges not only removed the strong support on which the
Royalist Party in the Province of Maine had leaned, but it brought be-
wilderment to the settlers in the province's diminished territory. At
first only rumors of Sir Ferdinando's death were received by the col-
onists; but as soon as the tidings were confirmed, in their trouble and
anxiety they endeavored to put themselves in communication with the
heirs of Gorges in
p.358 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
order to obtain information with reference to their future interests.
Would the form of government under which they had hitherto lived, be
continued? If it should be continued, by whom would its affairs be
managed? Moreover, was it to be expected that such a government and
administration would be acceptable to Parliament? These and other in-
quiries must have been made in 1647 and 1648, but they elicited no
replies. Their failure in seeking information, they attributed to
"the sad distractions in England"; and certainly conditions there were
such as to afford little opportunity for the heirs of Gorges to give
any attention to matters in the far-away Province of Maine.
In order, therefore, that there might be consultation and consideration
with reference to matters of such vital interest in the province, Edward
Godfrey, whom Thomas Gorges left in charge of the Gorges interests on
his return to England in 1643, and who was still the leading spirit in
the Province, united with the other officers of the Gorges proprietary
in calling the inhabitants of Piscataqua, Gorgeana and Wells to
assemble at Gorgeana in July, 1649. Such and assembly was held, and
after full and free discussion, it was agreed to enter into a "combina-
tion" or social compact for the purpose of securing such a form of
government as would enable the colonists to manage their provincial
affairs until "further order, power and authority shall come out of
England"; binding themselves "to see that parts of the country and
province regulated according to such laws as formerly have been exer-
cised and such others as shall be thought meet, not repugnant to the
fundamental laws of our native country".1
EDWARD GODFREY BECOMES THE FIRST GOVERNOR OF WHAT BECAME THE STATE OF
MAINE.
It was then also agreed "to make choice of such governor or governors
and magistrates as by most voices they shall think meet." In the
election that followed, Edward Godfrey received the "most voices" for
the office of Governor, and thus became the first governor elected by
the people in what is now the State of Maine. Those who had assisted
Godfrey in administering the affairs of the province in the preceding
year were also elected to
1. Farnham Papers, I, 266.
p.359 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
fill the offices they had hitherto held. Under the organization
thus effected, the governmental affairs of the colonists between
the Piscataqua and the Kennebunk rivers were continued as hither-
to. All the while, however, existing conditions in England were kept
steadily in view, and with the change in the form of government there,
following the death of King Charles I, regarding themselves as still
holding to recognized authority in the country whence they came, the
inhabitants of the province adjusted themselves to the new order of
things in England and wisely and prudently awaited the further un-
folding of events.
Very different in the Province of Lygonia was the effect of the
death of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. It is true that men like Josselyn
and Jordan were in sympathy with the Gorges interests and in their
attachment to those interests they shared the views of Godfrey and
his associates. But they had recognized Rigby's authority as the
proprietor of the Lygonia patent, and had accepted office in connect-
ion with the administration of provincial affairs, which were in no
wise affected by Gorges' death. When, however, tidings reached the
province of the death of Rigby, which occurred in London, suddenly,
unexpectedly, August 18, 1650, a new situation presented itself.
All along the relations of Josselyn and others to the Lygonia govern-
ment were not of their liking. Their association with Cleeve, the
deputy president of the provine, was for prudential reasons only.
If an opportunity should open for a change in these relations, there
was no reason, in their view, why they should not avail themselves of
it; and such an opportunity they recognized on receiving information
of the death of the proprietor and president of the Province of Lygonia.
Their action, however, was not hasty. In all probability, they held
open and secret meetings for consultation. Doubtless their public
utterances indicated a desire for any change that would bring the
Rigby authority to an end. But there is no evidence that on the
part of Josselyn, Jordan and others there was any attempt to set
up in place of the existing government such an independant govern-
ment as was organized by the inhabitants of the Province of Maine.
p.360 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
Their leanings in no wise were toward democracy. On the other hand,
Cleeve and those who were in agreement with him, desired as a settle-
ment of recognized difficulties, a confirmation of the Rigby authority
by Parliament. This was indicated in a petition to Parliament prepared
by Cleeve and having such a confirmation in view. Similar action was
desired by the inhabitants of the Province of Maine, as already ment-
ioned.
Undoubtedly, in this movement on the part of the General Court of the
Province of Maine, there was co-operation with Cleeve and those of the
Province of Lygonia in agreement with him, not only as a petition with
reference to Lygonia interests was prepared by Cleeve having the same
end in view, but especially as Cleeve was the bearer of both petitions,
when he sailed for England, probably not long after. Of the leadind
men in both provinces, Cleeve unquestionably was the best fitted for
the service required. His connection with the Rigby interests and his
sympathy with the Parliamentary party in the struggle through which
England has passed in the preceding years, gave him easy access to
those whose assistance he sought. First of all, on his arrival, he
placed himself in communication with the heirs of Baron Rigby, and
hastened to set before them an account of existing conditions in both
of the provinces which he represented, and at the same time, the perils
with which they were threatened.
Doubtless among the perils, so far as the Province of Lygonia was con-
cerned, Cleeve mentioned the attitude of Josselyn and others. But the
peril to which he especially called attention was occasioned by the en-
croachments of Massachusetts. In the preceding decade, the Bay Colony
had gradually extended its jurisdiction over the New Hampshire settle-
ments. Now, in the disturbed state of feeling north of the Piscataqua,
it was the evident purpose of the Massachusetts authorities to extend
their jurisdiction still farther up the coast so as to include the
territory over which Gorges and Rigby had exercised proprietorship.
This is made to appear in a paper in the Records Office in London,
in which it is
p.361 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
stated that in 1652, Edward Rigby, the son and heir of Colonel
Alexander Rigby, joined with the heirs of Gorges and other patten-
tees of Maine and New Hampshire in a petition to Parliament for
relief from such encroachments. Doubtless the reference is to the
petitionns to Parliament brought by Cleeve; and from the paper
mentioned, it would seem that Rigbby, in uniting with the peti-
tioners, resented the action of Massachusetts as hostile to the
Gorges and Rigby interests. Inasmuch as there is no further
information concerning these petitions, it is reasonable to
suppose that the influential and watchful representatives of
Massachusetts in London, succeeded in defeating the efforts of
Cleeve and his friends in their effort to secure Parliamentary
action.
While Cleeve was in England, he seems to have made a favorable
impression upon Edward Rigby. The latter not only approved Cleeve's
attitude toward Josselyn and others, who were endeavoring to bring
the Province of Maine and the Province of Lygonia under one govern-
ment as in the earlier period under the Gorges propriety, but he
increased Cleeve's land-holdings by adding one thousand acres to
the territory already granted to him. Moreover, he addressed a
letter to the opponents of Cleeve, upbraiding them for their
wrongs and abuses and demanding that both they, and others, who
had taken office under his father, should cease further activity
in administrative relations as their commissions expired with his
father's death. He expressed sorrow that they "should still act so
directly" against his father's and his interests as they did, and
insisted that they should no longer continue their "private and
secret combinations", but should join with him, and his deputy and
other officers, for the peace and quiet of the Province. He closed
the letter with the declaration that he should strive to do equal
justice in all things, and to this end he informed them that "with
all convenient speed" he should not only send back Mr. Cleeve or a
near kinsman of his own with instructions and commissions to such
as he deemed fitting to receive them, not doubting that upon the
receipt of his communication, those addressed would desist from
their former illegal proceedings and
p.362 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
join with those to whom he should send commissions, adding the
assurance that with the letter went "the respects of him that is
your real friend if yourselves be not your own enemies".1
GOVERNOR JOHN WINTHROP JR. OF CONNECTICUT.
The letter furnishes us not only with information concerning
Edward Rigby's knowledge of affairs connected with the Province
of Lygonia, but at the same time, it gives us such a glimpse of
the writer himself as can be obtained nowwhere else. Indirectly,
also, the letter is a tribute to the character of George Cleeve;
for it was of Edward Rigby that Roger Williams, in a letter to
John Winthrop, Jr., the Governor of Connecticut, sent this mess-
age about a year and a half later: "We have sound rumor of a
general governor (of New England), and that Baron Rigby's son
is the man".2 That George Cleeve, in his position as Deputy
President, and now in repeated personal interviews, should have
impressed such a man as Edward Rigby so favorably and so strongly
as to continue him in office, furnishes certainly no slight testi-
mony to the ability and character of George Cleeve.
The time for Cleeve's return had not been fixed, when Rigby's
letter was written. In fact, Cleeve lingered in England some time,
doubtless in hope that added efforts might yet secure Parliament-
ary aid in behalf of the interests that he represented. The exact
date of his return in unknown, but there are documents in the
Massachusetts archives from which information is derived that he
landed in Boston in September, 1653.3
During Cleeve's absence in England, Massachusetts had continued
earlier efforts to extend her jurisdiction northward. This was
in accordance with a purpose suggested by the death of Mason,
and was greatly strengthened by the success of the Puritan revo-
lution in England. These successes, it was believed, had not only
been destructive to the establishment of royalist and Church of
England authority in New England, but had opened the way for
Puritan ascendancy in the same territory. These
Footnotes. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collatural Documents, 284-
286. 2. Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, Fourth
Series, VI, 260. 3. Baxter, George Cleeve, 161, 162, 287, 288.
p.363 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
efforts on the part of the Massachusetts authorities were now
encouraged by political strife and the lack of law and order
north of the Piscataqua. In the scattered settlements there
were those who desired to see an end of the conditions under
which they had lived for so long. Some of them had visited the
comparitively strong and prosperous communities in the Bay, and
were familiar with the more favorable conditions under which the
colonists there, lived. It was but natural, therefore, that from
time to time strong expressions on their part for the possession
of like benefits and government regulation should find their way
to the Massachusetts settlements.
RICHARD LEADER.
Up to this time, however, Massachusetts does not seem to have
given much attention, if any, to the provisions of her Charter
with reference to the northern boundary of the colony. In 1651,
however, Joseph Mason, a kinsman of Captain John Mason (to whom
in 1635 the Grant of New Hampshire was confirmed), came over to
New England in the interest of the widow of his deceased rela-
tive. Finding Richard Leader in possession of land on the New-
ichwannock (Salmon Falls) river,1 he brought an action for tres-
pass against Leader in the Norfolk County Court, then in session
at Salisbury, Massachusetts. At the trial, the defendant, Leader,
held that the lands in question were not within the limits of
Massachusetts territory, and on the point thus raised, the Court
declined to rule and referred the matter to the General Court of
the colony at its annual session in May, 1652.2
In the records of the Colony, under date of May 31, 1652, this
entry appears: "On perusal of our Charter, it was this day voted
by the whole Court, that the extent of the [boundary] line is to
be from the northernmost part of the River Merrimack and three
miles north, where it is to be found, be it an hundred miles more
or less from the sea, and thence upon a straight line east...
Footnotes. 1. For Mason's protest against Leader's possession,
see Jenness' New Hampshire Documents, 38. 2. See Massachusetts
Archives, 38, 70, 71.
p.364 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
and west to each sea; and this to be the true interpretation of
the terms of the limit northward granted in the patent".1
It is not easy to follow the members of the General Court in
thus arriving at "an interpretation of the terms of the limit"
of their territory northward. The Charter gave the Bay Colony
"all those lands and hereditaments whatsoever, which lie and
be within the space of three English miles to the northward of
said river, called Monomack alias Merrimack, or to the north-
ward of any and every part thereof".2 If the language of the
Charter with reference to the northern boundary of the Colony
embraced these words only, the members of the General Court
would have found little, if any basis for the interpretation
they made and recorded.
Their boundary line, as thus described, started on the Atlantic
coast three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimac River, and
followed the windings of the river, at the same distance from
the river, to its source, or to a point three miles north of
its source.
But the Charter description of the northern boundary of the
colony does not end with the words now cited. Immediately
following are added words that make the territory of the
Colony to include "all lands and hereditaments whatsoever,
lying within the limits aforesaid, north and south in lati-
tude and breadth, and in length and longitude, of and within
all the breadth aforesaid, throughout the main lands there,
from the Atlantic and Western sea and ocean on the east part
to the South sea on the west part".3 Those who wrote thes
words evidently attempted by them to indicate more definitely
the northern boundary of the colony's territory; but their
knowledge of the country was exceedingly defective, and the
words they used to convey no clear meaning. Accordingly, as
the words needed interpretation, the members of the General
Court, finding in the boundary designated such words as
"length" and "breadth", "latitude" and "longitude", "north"
and "south", "east part" and "west part", used them as
helps to a
Footnotes. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
274. 2. Hazard, I, 243. 3. Ib., I, 243.
p.365 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
decisiion and evidently found in them the interpretation their
perusal suggested, and which made the northern boundary of the
Colony a straight line east and west from a point three miles
north of the source of the Merrimac River.
Before this time, evidently, Massachusetts had not given any
particular attention to her northern boundary as described in
her Charter.1 In extending her jurisdiction over the New Hamp-
shire communities north of the Merrimac, she had not asserted
Charter rights. That movement was designed to meet certain needs
following the death of Mason, an event that left the territory
between the Merrimac and the Piscataqua without governmental
oversight and protection. But while such needs existed to a
like extent, if not a greater, in the Maine provinces, other
and more forceful reasons now influenced the General Court in
attempting a still farther advance up the coast.
There had been a time, and that not far away, when Royalist
and Church of England designs had seriously threatened the Bay
colony's existence. While for the most part these designs had
their origin in the mother country, they were fostered by some
of the more prominent settlers north of the Piscataqua, them-
selves Royalists and members of the English Church.
But political conditions in England, as the result of their
Civil war, had not only allayed all fear of harmful assaults
from across the sea, but at the same time had opened the way
for such and advance into Maine territory as would strengthen
and make dominant Puritan influences in New England. Indeed,
it is not improbable that the members of the General Court,
even before
THE OPPORTUNITY OF WORSHIPPING GOD IN THEIR OWN WAY.
Footnote. 1. In the earlier years of the Colony, there was no
need of examining the Charter with reference to boundary lines.
Naturally the colonists devoted themselves to the work of esta-
blishing comfortable homes and providing means of support. But,
in 1652, prosperous settlements had been developed. Those who
founded and established them had purposes that ripened fast and
stopped short of nothing less than the building up of a New Eng-
land, which should be neither feudal nor monarchical, but a
democracy - "an incorporated group of individuals seeking in a
new country a permanent home and an opportunity of worshipping
God in their own way". C. M. Andrews, The Colonial Period. 66
p.366 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
their perusal of their Charte had reached clear and definite
purposes with reference to their boundary claim, and these the
Charter strengthened. Men generally find what they seek. At all
events in their perusal of the Charter, the Massachusetts magis-
trates found what they desired to find, and their interpretation
of their Charter with reference to their northern boundary was an
important aid in securing the accomplishment of their purposes.
In this advance into Maine territory ambition on the part of
Massachusetts is not to be denied. But it was not a low, sordid
ambition. It was an ambition that sought fairly and squarely the
betterment1 of existing conditions, and aimed to give to Maine
settlers the same measure of prosperity that the Bay colonists
themselves enjoyed. Nearly a century ago, a son of Maine, who
had made its history a careful study, placed on record these
words: "If Massachusetts were actuated by motives of ambition
in this enlargement of her borders, and the adoption of these
plantations, it must be acknowledged she guided her measures by
maxims of prudence, and manifested great assiduity and zeal for
the good of the inhabitants so eagerly adopted".2 Half a cen-
tury later, another son of Maine, also deeply interested in the
history of his native state, and receiving its highest honors for
his educational, military and other services, in reviewing this
action of Massachusetts, justified that action on the ground of
necessity. "It was necessary", he said, "that Massachusetts
should control Maine". Such a necessity he found in the fact that
this added territory was needed in order "to ward off her enemies,
Churchmen, Frenchmen, Indians".3 All this is true, but it is not
the whole truth. Not only was it necessary that Massachusetts
should provide for self-defence, but for the growth and expansion.
The planting of Massachusetts meant the planting of New England.
Footnotes. 1. "Massachusetts was never mean. She was square and bold.
You could always see her coming; and tell what she was after." J. L.
Chamberlain, Maine: Her Place in History, 59. 2. Williamson, History
of the State of Maine, I, 356. 3. Maine: Her Place in History, 58,
67.
p.367 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
In time the colony was to become a Commonwealth, a Nation, and Maine
was needed in the development already in progress.
CAPTAIN SIMON WILLARD AND CAPTAIN EDWARD JOHNSON.
Massachusetts lost no time in entering upon the undertaking "for the
better discovery" of the north line of the colony's territory; and on
the same day when her interpretation of the boundaries of the Charter
was announced, the General Court appointed Captain Simon Willard and
Captain Edward Johnson commissioners, with "such artists and other
associates" as they desired "to find out the most northerly part of
Merrimack River". By their instructions they were required to use
"their utmost skill and ability to take a true observation of the
latitude of that place", and they were to make a return thereof at
the next session of the court.1
As "artists and other assistants" in the task thus assigned to them,
Massachusetts commissioners selected "John Sherman, Sergeant of Water-
town, Massachusetts, and Jonathan Ince, a student at Harvard College",
and they, with the commissioners, proceeded to the source of the
Merrimac River. This they found at Aquedahian, where the river "issues
out of Lake Winnapusseakit" (Winnipesaukee).
Insert.
John Sherman.
Source: Bond's Watertown, Massachusetts.
Capt. John Sherman, b. in Dedham, Essex County, England, 1613, came to America,
1634; admitted freeman May 17, 1637; a land surveyor; a Selectman many times
from 1637 to 1680, Town Clerk, 1648 and often afterwards; Representative, 1651,
1653, and 1663. He married Martha, dau. of Roger and Grace Porter. He died Jan
25, 1690/1 aged 76 and his widow d. Feb. 7, 1700/1. He was chosen Ensign, 1654
and was Steward of Harvard College, 1662.
Children:
1. John Sherman b. Nov. 2, 1638, was killed in the Narragansett fight.
2. Martha Sherman b. Feb 21, 1640/1; m. Sept 26, 1661, Francis Bowman.
3. Mary Sherman, b. Mar 25, 1643; m. Jan 18, 1666/7, Timothy Hawkins, Jr.
and died in childbed Nov 6, 1667, leaving son Timothy Hawkins b. Oct 26, 1667,
who probably died early.
4. Sarah Sherman, b. Jan. 17, 1647/8; died 1667.
5. Elizabeth Sherman, b. March 15, 1648/9; m. July 20, 1681, Samuel Gaskill,
of Charlestown (this marriage is doubtful if not improbable).
Insert: Torry, New England Marriages Prior to 1700.
p.296
Gaskell/Gaskill, Samuel, (1650-1706) & 1st wife, Elizabeth ____? (d. 1686,
Cambridge); Watertown/Cambridge/New Haven.
Gaskin/Gaskell, Samuel (1650-1706) d. aged 56. Charlestown; & 2nd wife, Elizabeth Sherman (1651-1736) Watertown; m. July 20, 1687; marriage bond July 26, 1687; Sudbury/Boston/Charlestown/New Haven.
6. Joseph Sherman, b. May 14, 1650.
7. Grace Sherman, b. Dec 20, 1653. died.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
LAKE WINNAPESAUKEE.
Continued.
And they, with the commissioner proceeded to the source of
the Merrimac River. This, they found at Aqudahian, where the
river "issues out of the Lake Winnapusseakit" (Winnipesaukee)
Observation for the latitude was taken August 1, 1652, when,
according to the report made by Sherman and Ince, October 19,
1652, it was found "that the latitude of the place was 43 d.
40' 12" besides those minutes which are to be allowed for the
three miles more north which run into the lake.2
There is no evidence that George Cleeve, while in England, re-
ceived any information concerning this action with reference to
the northern boundary of the Bay Colony. On landing in Boston in
September, 1653, however, he was informed of it, and his study
of the new boundary showed that it brought a part of the Province
of Lygonia within the territory now claimed by Massachusetts.
Cleeve, accordingly, addressed a letter to "the Honored Magis-
trates and Deputies" of the colony, asking for an explanation
of this action. In this communication, Cleeve called attention
to the
Footnotes. 1. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
III, 278. 2. Records of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
III, 288.
p.368 THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
numerous commissions and other instruments, "as well from the
Crown, by the Council of Plymouth as also several confirmations
by the Parliament and Council of State", in which the boundaries
of the Province of Lygonia were stated. The territorial rights of
Baron Rigby had now descended to his son, Edward Rigby, Esq., of
Gray's Inn, who had directed Cleeve on his return, to call an
assembly of all the villages in the Province from the Sagadahoc to
the west side of Wells. This, he added, he had intended to do, but
he had learned it was now claimed that the Province of Lygonia, or
a great part of it, was within the jurisdiction of Massachusetts.
He asked the General Court, therefore, to give him in writing, a
full statement of its intentions in order that he might report the
facts "without any mistakings" and in the interest of "peace and
love".1
To this courteous inquiry, the Massachusetts Magistrates replied,
insisting upon the rightfulness of their claim.2 About the same
time, the General Court of Massachusetts appointed Samuel Andrew
and Jonas Clarke of Cambridge ("both well skilled in the mathemat-
ics, having had the command of ships upon several voyages"), to
mark on the seacoast, the northern boundary of the colony, and also
to "run the line and mark trees forty poles into the woods, east &
west". This was done October 13, 1654, and in their report, the
parties employed stated that the line crossed the northern-most
point of Upper Clapboard Island, "about a quarter of a mile from
the main in Casco Bay, about four or five miles to the northward
of Mr. Mackworth's house".3 There were few trees at the place,
but four or five were marked, one of them with the letters M. B.,
and, it was added that "at the seaside, where the line doth ex-
tend, there lies a grayish rock at high water mark cleft in the
middle".4
Footnotes. 1. In Massachusetts Archives, misplaced under 1662. The
letter is printed in full in Baxter's George Cleeve, 161, 162. 2.
Baxter, George Cleeve, Collatral Documents, 287. 3. The house was
near the mouth of the Presumpscot. 4. Records of the Massachusetts
Bay in New England, III, 362, 362.
p.369 MASSACHUSETTS CLAIMS MAINE TERRITORY.
Cleeve, in continuing to protest against this action of Massachu-
setts, courteously called the attention of the General Court to
some propositions prepared by himself and others of the Province
of Lygonia. In their reply, the Members of the Geneal Court in-
sisted that their "general claim hath been constantly from the
first to three miles northward of the most northern part of the
said [Merrimac] river, in length and longitude, through the main
land, from the eastern sea to the sea on the west". Then followed
a reference to the fairness manifested by Massachusetts in its
attitude toward the Maine settlements.1 The weak point in this
answer of the General Court, was in the statement that the present
claim of Massachusetts as to her northern boundary had been the
general claim of the Bay Colony from the first. Of this, no proof
was furnished, and an examination of the records of the colony
seems to warrant the opinion that no proof could be furnished.
But Massachusetts now was by far the dominant power in New Eng-
land, and her able representatives in England had the ear of those
most influential in national governmental relations. John Gorges,
son and heir of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Edward Rigby, son and heir
of Baron Rigby, found themselves powerless to render Godfrey, Cleeve
and others, any assistance in their efforts to resist the asserted
claims of Massachusetts. Moreover, conditions in the Province of
Maine and the Province of Lygonia were unfavorable to growth and
good order. Further opposition, accordingly, seemed to offer no
hope of success, and at length, in the interest of peace and ord-
erly government, opposition ceased.
Footnote. 1. Baxter, George Cleeve, Collaterial Documents, 294, 295. |
