CHAPTER IV.
WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE OF 1605.
ENGLISH INTERESTS.
GOSNOLD'S EXPEDITION OF 1602.
English interests upon the American coast, however, had not ceased to receive attention in England. The Earl of Southampton, who was one of the promoters of Gosnold's expedition of 1602, was now at liberty, KingvbJames I, at the beginning of his reign, having opened the Earl's prison doors and restored to him the titles and estates of which he had been deprived. Shortly after this restoration, the Earl's new patent was issued July 1, 1603 - occurred the return of Pring from his successful voyage hither. The report he brought awakened in the released prisoner an enthusiastic desire for participation in efforts that would enhance the glory of England on this side of the sea.
THOMAS ARUNDELL, BARON OF WARDOUR AND SIR FERDINANDO GORGES.
In 1604, he was busily engaged in making plans for another expedition to the American coast. With him, in the undertaking, were associated his son-in-law, Thomas Arundell,1 - afterward Baron of Wardour, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges,2 whose name was to become
Footnote:
1 Thomas Arundell had served under the Emporor Rudolph II. He took, in action, with his own hand, a standard of the Turks, and December 14, 1595, was created a Count of the Holy Roman Empire for this achievement, but was forbidden by Queen Elizabeth to use the title, saying, "She liked not for her sheep to wear a stranger's mark, nor to dance after a foreigner's whistle." He was elevated to the English Peerage on May 4, 1605 and he died in 1639 or 1640.
2 A son of Edward Gorges and his wife Cicely Lygon, he was born about 1566. He was knighted by Essex before Rouen in October, 1591. While in the Netherlands in 1596, he received orders to take charge of work on the fortifications at Plymouth, England. About July, 1603, he was deprived of command at Plymouth, but it was restored to him in a few months, and he retained that command there for many years. His interest in American colonization, beginning at this time, was a lifelong interest. For an extended account of his life, also for his writings and letters, see Honorable James P. Baxter's "Sir Ferninando Gorges and his Province of Maine, Prince Society, 1900, 3 volumes.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
so prominently identified with the history of early colonization on the Maine coast. Probably, also, Sir John Popham,1 then Chief Justice of England, had a part in the new undertaking.
The command of the expedition was given to Captain George Waymouth, already mentioned in connection with his search for a northwest passage to India in 1602. Since his return, as may be inferred from what is known concerning his attainments, he had been engaged in studies extending beyond the science of navigation, including shipbuilding and the science of fortification.2
Aside from these facts, there is no information with reference to the preparations for the voyage. Even the name of the vessel provided for the expedition - the Archangel-3 would not have
Footnotes.1 Sir John Popham was born at Wellington, Somersetshire, England about 1531. He was educated at Baliol College, Oxford, England, became Recorder of Bristol, England; a member of Parliament for Bristol in 1571; Solicitor-General, 1579; Attorney General, 1581; Speaker of the House of Commons, 1581-1583; and Chief Justice of the Realm, 1592, when he was knighted and made a privy Councilor.
He presided at the trial of Sir Walter Raleigh in 1603, and at the trial of Guy Fawkes and his companions in 1606. He died June 10, 1607. Reverend H. O. Thayer, in his Sagadahoc Colony, Gorges Society, 1892, 26, discriminately says of him: "Justice Popham was a man of mixed character, not all good, not wholly bad. Integrity without numerous flaws cannot be affirmed. He administered the laws with vigor, often with severity, nor can it be denied that his administration in respect to the criminal classes was on the whole salutary." An elaborate tomb in the church at Wellington still marks his burial place.
footnote2. In 1885, the Honorable James P. Baxter of Portland, Maine, discovered in the King's library in the British Museum, London, England, a manuscript volume on navigation, shipbuilding and fortifications, written by Waymouth and dedicated to the King. In bears no date, but as it makes mention of Waymouth's voyage in 1602, and is silent with reference to the voyage of 1605, it may be assigned to the year 1603 or 1604. The volume is illustrated by about two hundred pages of colored drawings, and was evidently designed to make upon the King a favorable impression of the author. Mr. Baxter possesses a copy of this valuable manuscript, including both text and the illustrations, and with fac-simile binding. Without doubt it is the only copy ever made.
footnote3. Rosier does not mention the name of the vessel, nor is it found in the accounts of the voyage, recorded by Gorges, Strachey or Purchas. Prince, Maine Historical Collection, Series I, 6, 294) says Waymouth's ship is "supposed to have been called the "Archangel". So far as the writer is aware *footnotes continue below.
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WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
THOMAS CAM AND JAMES ROSIER.
come down to us had it not been mentioned in the annals of a later chronicler. Of the twenty-eight men associated with Waymouth in the expedition, the names of only Thomas Cam, the mate of the Archangel, James Rosier,1 who wrote the Relation of the voyage, and John Stoneman, who will be mentioned again later, have come down to us. Most of the adventurers, as Rosier tells us, were "near inhabitants, on the River Thames". They were doubtless such men as any expedition of like character would attract at that time - hardy seamen who were ready for an enterprise that promised novelty and some excitement.
Thomas Arundell, Sir John Popham & Sir Ferdinando Gorges.
The vessel was made ready for the voyage at Ratcliffe on the river Thames, England, a hamlet of London, the highway connecting the village with the metropolis, being known as Regent Street of London sailors. It is not difficult to picture to ourselves the scene at the departure of the expedition. It was at the opening of the season, Tuesday, March 5, 1605. In all probability among those assembled at the dock were the Earl of Southampton, his son-in-law, Thomas Arundell and possibly Sir John Popham and Sir Ferdinando Gorges. There were many best wishes for the whole company, and many last words. Then, when the lines were cast off, strong English cheers went up from the assembled crowd, and their ship, the Archangel dropped down the river.
A fair wind in four hours brought the vessel to Gravesend, thirty miles below London. But head-winds kept the voyagers on the English coast until the close of March. With reference to the experiences of Waymouth and his companions in the channel harbor,
Footnotes. The name of the vessel first appears in Dr. John Harris' Collection of Voyages and Travels. The first edition in 1702-5; revised edition, London, England, 1764, II, 223. Dr. Harris (1667-1719) was one of the early members of the Royal Society, and for awhile, acted as its Vice President.
1 Rosier was one of Gosnold's company in the expedition of 1602. Purchas, in his Pilgrimes (IV, 1646-1653) includes three documents relating to Gosnold's voyage. 1. A letter from Captain Gosnold to his father; 2. Gabriel Archer's account of the voyage; 3. A chapter entitled, "Notes taken out of a tractate written by James Rosier to Sir Walter Raleigh". This last is in error. The tractate presented to Raleigh, was written by John Brereton and not by Rosier.
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bors, Rosier is silent. April 1, the ship Archangel was six leagues southeast of the Lizards, the most southern promontory of England. On April 14, Corvo and afterward Flores islands of the Azores group were sighted. As the voyage continued, southerly winds prevailed, and Waymouth, unable to hold the course he had proposed to take, was compelled to head his vessel farther to the northward.
Nantucket Island.
on May 13th, there were indications of the near approach of land, and on the following day, a sailor at the masthead descried a whitish, sandy cliff, west northwest, about six leagues distant, supposed from Rosier's statement to be Sankaty Head,1 the eastern extremity of Nantucket Island, which is surrounded by shoals,2 and Waymouth, sailing in toward the sandy cliff, soon found his vessel in peril.
The prow of the Archangel was hurriedly turned back, and standing off, all that night and the next day, Waymouth endeavored to make his way to the southward, in accordance with the course of the voyage as planned;3 but the wind was contrary and the vessel was driven northward.
On May 16, the ship Archangel was still seeking land. It was not until the close of the following day, however, that land was again descried. At the time, the wind was still blowing a gale, the sea
Footnotes.
1 In 1797, Captain John F. Williams of the U.S. Revenue Service, at the request of Doctor Jeremy Belknap, the historian, made a study of Rosler's Relation. Concerning Waymouth's approach to the American coast, he said: "The first land Captain Waymouth saw, a whitish sandy cliff, west-north-west, six leagues, must have been Saukaty Head." American Biography, Hubbard's Rd., 2, 249. The above
statement is confirmed by all later writers concerning Waymouth's voyage.
2 The eastward shoals make it one of the most dreaded parts of the coast. "These shifting sandy shores, which extend in a southeasterly direction from the southeastern end of the island, have various depths upon them ranging from six feet to four fathoms, and change their positions more or less after every heavy gale." Coast Survey Pilot from Boston to New York, 82.
3 See Rosier's Relation to Waymouth's Voyage to the Coast of Maine, 1605. This reprint of the Relation (85-162 with notes) is from the copy in the John Carter Brown Library, Brown University. Excellent reprints are included in George Parker Winship's Sailors Narratives, and Early English and French Voyages.
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WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
was running high, and it was not deemed safe to approach the shore. When the morning broke, it was discovered that the land was that of an island "some six miles in compass," according to Rosier's estimate. By noon the Archangel was anchored on the north side of the island and about a league from it. Two hours later, with twelve of his men, Waymouth rowed to the shore of the island for wood and water of which they were in need, and having obtained a supply they returned to the ship. This island, named by Waymouth, St. George's Island, was Monhegan,1 as is conceded by all who have given any careful attention to Rosier's Relation.
"While we were on shore," says Rosier, who evidently was one of the landing party, "our men aboard (the Archangel) with a few hooks got about thirty great cods and haddocks, which gave us a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward wheresoever we went upon the coast". Continuing his narrative, he adds: "From hence we might discern the mainland from the west, southwest to the east, northeast, and a great way (as it then seemed, and as we after found it) up into the main we might discern very high mountains, though the main seemed but lowland;2 which gave us a hope it would please God to direct us to the discovery of some good; although we were driven by winds far from that place (both by our direction and desire) we ever intended to shape the course of our voyage."
Footnotes:
1 Captain John Smith, who was at Monhegan in the summer of 1614, briefly described the island in these words, "Monahigan is a round high island; and close by it Monanis, betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride", Description of New England, Veazie reprint, 46, 47. On the Simancas map of 1610, the island bears the name given to it by Waymouth. When Captain John Smith wrote his Description of New England, however, he recorded the Indian name, and happily the island has continued to bear the Indian designation to the present time.
2 As Rosier has just referred to the return of the boat to the ship's anchorage, and to the occupation of the sailors while Waymouth and his party were ashore, the writer of the above must have had in mind the view of the coast as seen from the deck of the Archangel, anchored a league north of the island.
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THE BEGINNING OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"Looking upon a fringe of the new world"
To the weary, storm-tossed voyagers, the scene must have been one of peculiar interest. There were other islands toward the land, and not far away, eastward and westward, but further in, the long, wooded coast line was seen; while higher "up into the main" there were mountains darkly, beautifully blue, conspicuous features of the coast landscape. Waymouth and his companions were looking upon a fringe of the new world.
The White Mountains.
The ship, Archangel, remained at her anchorage that night, and on the following day, because the vessel "rode too much open to the sea and winds", Waymouth weighed anchor, and brought his vessel "to the other islands more adjoining to the main, and in the rode directly with the mountains". It has been maintained that the mountains Waymouth saw, and in the direction of which he made his way to "the other islands" where he found a convenient harbor, were the White Mountains. Only at rare intervals, however, when the sky is exceptionally clear, can even the towering peak of Mount Washington be seen from the high ground at Monhegan, and then merely as a faint speck on the horizon.
Only at rarest intervals can Mount Washington be seen from the shore on the north side of Monhegan; while from either location, "a great way up into the main", appear the Camden and Union mountains clearly outlined against the sky, objects which no mariner approaching the coast at this point could possibly fail to notice.1
Footnotes. 1 John McKeen (Maine Historical Society's Coll., Series I, 5, 313, 314) identified these mountains as the White and Blue mountains. R. K. Sewall (Ancient Dominions, 59) held that the mountains that Waymouth saw were the White Mountains. Dr. Edward Ballard (Popham Memorial Volume, 303) adopted the same view. On the contrary William Willie (Maine Historical Society's Coll., Series I, 8, 346) insisted that the White Mountains lie far to the west, and can only be seen under favorable circumstances; and that the mountains seen by Waymouth were "the Camden and other heights bordering the Penobscot Bay". Prince (Maine Historical Society's Coll., Series I, 6, 294) says "the Camden and Union mountains" are the only conspicuous heights along the coast visible from Monhegan. That the mountains here referred to in the Relation were the Camden and Union mountains is the view now generally held. For a full presentation of the facts, see Rosier's Relation of Waymouth's Voyage, Gorges Society, 1887, 96-100.
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WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
St. George's Harbor.
The harbor in which Waymouth anchored the ship, Archangel, and which he called Pentecost harbor1, was an island harbor, and Rosier's narrative furnishes abundant means for its identification with the present St. George's harbor. From Waymouth's anchorage, a league north of Monhegan, it is reached by proceeding "along to the other islands more adjoining to the main", and is "in the rode directly" with the mountains which Waymouth had before him. Moreover, it is a harbor formed by islands, having four entrances, as the harbor mentioned by Rosier. Indeed, the endeavor to identify the Pentecost harbor of Rosier's Relation with Boothbay harbor, or with any other harbor on the neighboring coast, fails to meet these and other requirements of Rosier's narrative.2
But the paramount purposes of the voyage were not to be fulfilled by merely an approach to the coast. A few days were spent by Waymouth and his companions in obtaining rest from the weariness of the voyage. Then, after setting up a cross upon the shore of one of the islands,3 a token of England's claim to the territory, the work of exploration began. In his shallop, which had been put in order since the Archangel's arrival at Pentecost harbor, and with nearly half of his company, Waymouth proceeded in toward the mainland in order to discover its resources and the possibilities for English colonization, and soon found himself in a
Footnotes.
1 The Archangel sailed on Easter day from its last harbor in England. It entered its first harbor on the American coast on Pentecost day, and accordingly received its name, Pentecost Harbor.
2. The approach of Pentecost Harbor from the anchorage of the ship, Archangel, north of Monhegan is thatwhich one has today in entering St. George's harbor from the sea. The latter is reached (as was Pentecost harbor, by Waymouth) by sailing in "to the other islands more adjoining to the main's. The islands that make the four entrances to St. George's harbor are Allen's, Burnt, Benner's and Davis.
3. Probably Allen's island. On this island, in connection with the celebration of the tercentenary of Waymouth's voyage, and not far it is believed from the spot on which Waymouth and his associates erected a cross in 1605, a granite cross, cut at the Booth Brothers & Hurricane Island Granite Company and presented by the Company, was set up in 1905, by Albert J. Rawley, W. E. Sherer, Ernest Rawley, John Matthews, Edward Fuller and Charles Watts.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
"great river". Up this river he passed some distance, moving probably with the tide, and falling back to the mouth of the river with the tide. In the middle of the next forenoon he returned to Pentecost harbor, where he aroused the enthusiasm of his associates with the announcement of the discovery he had made.
The Friendly Indians.
A week and more were spent among the islands and along the coast in added explorations. During this time friendly relations were established with the Indians, who, not long after the arrival of the ship, Archangel in Pentecost harbor, came hither from the mainland in their birch-bark canoes attracted by the presence of the strange vessel with its strange visitors. On their first approach the Indians were cautious; "but when", says Rosier, "we showed them knives and their use, by cutting of sticks, and other trifles like combs and glasses, they came close aboard our ship as desirous to entertain our friendship". Upon added acquaintance, trade relations followed; and Rosier records interesting incidents connected with the same, as well as much information concerning the manners and the customs of the natives. But suspicions of treachery on the part of the Indians were at length awakened, and these suspicions, as Rosier records, were made the occasion of kidnapping five of the number.1 Of course such an act brought to an end previous friendly relations. Doubtless Waymouth and his companions had little ground for suspicions of treachery on the part of the Indians. Indeed, this may be inferred from the Relation, inasmuch as Rosier says the seizure was "a matter of great importance for the full accomplishment of our voyage". In other words, it was a part of the voyager's plan, based on the thought that from these natives, after they had learned the English language, they could secure desired information concerning their people, rulers, mode of government, etc.
footnote 1. The Archangel was the vessel the Indian, Anasou reported to de Monta as already mentioned; but his statement that five Indians had been killed was erroneous. Rosier gives the names of the captured Indians as follows:
"Gentlemen:
Tahanedo, a Sagamore or Commander.
Amoret
Skicowaros
Maneddo
Saffacomoit, a servant."
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WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
Then, on June 11, with a favoring breeze and tide, Waymouth brought the Archangel into the river he had discovered in his shallop. In glowing words, Rosier gives expression to the thoughts and feelings of the whole company as in their progress up the river they viewed from the high deck of the ship (Archangel), the land on either side. They noted its pleasant fertility; looking into its many "gallant coves"1 on the right and on the left, they beheld the numerous excellent places for docking and repairing ships; and again and again, the possibilities which the scene everywhere suggested, deeply stirred and thrilled them.
Many of the company had been travelers in various countries and on the most famous rivers; yet, says Rosier, "they affirmed them not comparable to this they now beheld". Some who had been with Sir Walter Raleigh in his voyage to Guiana in 1595, and had sailed up the "Orenoque", were raised to
loftier enthusiasm, here.
Others, who were familiar with the Seine and Loire, "great and goodly rivers", found in this river of the new world, features that were unequalled in these renowned, historic rivers of Europe. "I will not prefer it before our river of Thames", wrote Rosier, "because it is England's richest treasure; but we all did wish those excellent harbors, good deeps in a continual convenient breadth and small tide gates, to be as well
therein for our country's good, as we found them here (beyond our hopes) in certain, for those to whom it shall please God to grant this land for habitation; which if it had, with the other inseparable adherent commodities here to be found, then I would boldly affirm it to be the richest, beautiful, large and secure harboring river that the world affordeth."
This is the language of contagious enthusiasm and easy exaggeration, yet one passing up the St. George's river at high water on a beautiful day in May or June, must be unresponsive to nature in her loveliest moods if not in sympathy with Waymouth and his associates - their hearts thrilled with an ecstasy of delight as they
Footnote 1. These coves are characteristic features of the St. George's River. The U. S. Coast Survey Chart mentions Deep Cove, Gay Cove, Turkey Cove, Maple Juice Cove, Otis Cove, Watt's
Cove, Cuttler's Cove, Broad Cove and Hyler's Cove.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
looked out upon the many objects of pleasing interest which their eyes everywhere beheld.
By some, the river which Waymouth discovered and ascended has been identified with the Penobscot River, and by others, with the Kennebec River, and by still others, as the St. George's River. But both the Penobscot and the Kennebec fail to meet requirements for identification which Rosier's Relation very plainly presents.
The breadth and depth of the river, the character of the bottom, and especially the "very many gallant coves" on either side, correspond only to marked features of the St. George's river. Moreover, the direction of the river "as it runneth up into the main", is, as Rosier says, "toward the great mountains". All the way up the St. George's river the Union and Camden mountains are in full view. What mountains will one have in front of him as he sails up the Kennebec or the Penobscot? 1
Waymouth seems to have anchored the Archangel near the present ruins of Fort St. George, on the eastern bank of the river. The next day, in his "light-horseman", with seventeen of his men, he proceeded up the riveer to the "Codde", or bay, at the point where the river trends westward, by the site of Thomaston, Maine. Here the explorers landed and ten of the party marched up into the country toward the mountains back in the main, which they
Footnote. 1. Captain J. F. Williams of the U. S. Revenue Service, in his examination of the coast of Maine, in 1797, with reference to Waymouth's discoveries in 1605, identified Pentecost harbor with St. George's Island harbor; but the great river of Rosier's Relation, he identified with the Penobscot river. Williamson, in his History of the State of Maine, and others, adopted the same view.
So did Bancroft in the first edition of his History of the United States. In preparing his edition of 1883, after re-studying the subject, he abandoned this view, and adopted the view of George Prince, of Bath, Maine, that the river Waymouth discovered and that he ascended, was the St. George's River. The Kennebec theory was advocated by John McKeen, Esq., of Brunswich, Maine, in 1857, in a paper read before the Maine Historical Society, and was followed by R. K. Sewall, Esq., in his Ancient Dominions. For many years, however, there has been no advocacy of the Penobscot or Kennebec theories that requires notice. A full review of the literature of Waymouth's discovery will be found in Rosier's Relation of Waymouth's voyage to the Coast of Maine, 1605, 39-77. Gorges Society, 1887.
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WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
first descried on approaching the land. These mountains, as Rosier says, seemed at the outset only a league away; but after they had gone some distance, finding the weather "parching hot" and all being "weary of so tedious and laborsome a travel", Waymouth gave the order to face about, and the party returned to the boat and then to the ship.
On the following day the work of exploration was continued by an examination of that part of the river not previously visited, a distance estimated by Rosier as twenty miles. The "beauty and goodness" of the land Rosier mentions with much enthusiasm; also the fact that on the return, at that part of the river which trends westward (as is the case of the St. George's river at Thomaston, Maine), a cross was erected,1 an indication of a claim to English discovery and possession like the cross set up at St. George's harbor. On the Simancas map are indicated such marked features of the landfall of our Maine coast as the Union and Camden mountains. A single mountain, west of the Kennebec, may be intended to represent Mount Washington as seen from the waters near Small Point. But of special interest in connection with Waymouth's voyage and discovery, is the fact that on this may of 1610, the St. George's river, under its Indian name, Tahanock, is delineated with its characteristic features; while at the very point where Waymouth erected a cross, according to Rosier, is the mark of a cross. What is this mark but the indication of the cross which Waymouth set up at this place, and which he entered upon his "perfect geographical map" - the map made at this time and mentioned by Rosier in his Relation? Strong testimony in confirmation of this identification is furnished in the fact that on this map of 1610, Monhegan is designated, "I St. George."
NO SIGN THAT EVER A CHRISTIAN HAD BEEN BEFORE.
Footnote.1 Referring to the erection of the cross at this point, Rosier says: "For this (by the way) we diligently observed, that in no place, either aobut the islands, or up in the main, or along the river, we could discern any token or sign, that ever any Christian had been before; of which either by cutting wood, digging for water, or setting up of crosses (a thing never ommitted by any Christian travelers) we should have perceived some mention left." True Relation - Gorges Society, 145.
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"I, St. George." - This is the name given to Monhegan by Waymouth and his associates. "The first island we fell with", says Rosier, "was named by us St. George's Island", a name which later was transferred to the group of islands nearer to the mainland.
From this further exploration of the river, and this erection of a cross in the interest of the country from which they came, Waymouth and his men returned to their ship, the Archangel. The object of the expedition, in a degree beyond their strongest hopes, had now been accomplished. They had discovered a bold coast, an "excellent and secure harbor for as many ships as any nation professing Christ is able to set forth to sea", a river which the "all creating God" had made a highway over which the great riches of the land might easily and safely be borne, a land whose invaluable riches the Indians could "neither discern, use, nor rightly esteem"; and it was fitting that without further delay the return to England should be made in order speedily to report to "the honorable setters forth" the success of the expedition which had for its ulitmate end "a public good and true zeal of promulgating God's Holy Church by planting Christianity". The ship Archangel, accordingly, now dropped down the river to its mouth, and then to Pentecost harbor, where water was taken on board; and on the 16th of June, the wind being fair, and all preparations having been completed, Waymouth and his companions set sail.1
TO ENGLAND, HOMEWARD BOUND.
Over the summer seeas, establishing on their way confidential relations with their Indian captives, the voyagers returned homeward, anchoring the Archangel at Dartmouth Haven, England, on July 18th. Rosier's Relation of the voyage ends here. We are not told with what welcome Waymouth and his fellow explorers were received, or upon whose ears the story of their adventures first fell.
Footnote.1 The Maine Historical Society celebrated the tercentenary of Waymouth's voyage by services at Thomaston and St. George's harbor, in July, 1905. For a report of the proceedings see Maine Historical Society's Collection, Series III, 2, 152-204.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
HEROES, THEY ALL WERE.
But it requires no stretch of the imagination to bring before us the scene as on that Thursday afternoon, about four o'clock, the ship, Archangel came to her anchorage, and the members of the expedition were surrounded by eager questioners. Heroes they all were, but of what special, wondering interest were the five Indians whom Waymouth had brought with him as specimens of the inhabitants of the new world ! It was a thrilling narrative that was told first on the deck of the Archangel, and later in the lounging places of the town where the sailors mingled with a crowd ready to catch any word that might fall from their lips.
How long the Archangel remained in Dartmough Haven was not recorded; and it seems probable that Rosier, the historian of the expedition, leaving the vessel at Dartmough Haven, hurried to London, to place before the promoters of the voyage the tidings which they so eagerly awaited. According to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Waymouth brought the Archangel into the harbor of Plymouth, England, where Gorges was in command of the fort. This was after the arrival at Dartmouth Haven, for Rosier tells us that Dartmouth Haven was the first "harbor in England" entered by Waymouth and his fellow voyagers on their return.
While the Archangel was in Plymouth harbor, Waymouth delivered into the care of Sir Fernando Gorges, three of the Indians seized at Pentecost harbor.1 Gorges regarded the seizure of these Indians as a matter of prime importance in connection with new world colonization schemes. In his "Briefe Narration," referring to the Indians who came into his possession at this time, he says, "This accident must be acknowledged the means under God
Footnote.1 (Baxter's Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Prince Society, II, 8) says the names of the three he received were: "Manida, Skettwarroes and Tasquantam. Manida is evidently the Maneddo of Rosier. Tasquantum is the name of an Indian captured by Thomas Hunt, the Master of a vessel in Captain John Smith's voyage of 1614, and Gorges is in error in including his name here. In his Briefe Narration, Gorgers mentions one of these Indians under the name of Dehamda. Evidently he is the same as the one called by Rosier, Tahanedo, also known as Nahanada. The other two Indians seized at Pentecost harbor were assigned, it is supposed, to Sir John Popham.
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THE BEGINNINGS OF COLONIAL MAINE.
of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations". With ever deepening interest Gorges listened to the answers these Indians gave to his eager questionings. "The longer I conversed with them," he says, "the better hope they gave me of those parts where they did inhabit, as proper for our uses; especially when I found what goodly rivers, stately islands and safe harbors those parts abounded with, being the special marks I levelled at, as the only want our nation met with in all their navigations along that coast. And having kept them full three years, I made them able to set me down what great rivers ran up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power they were of, how allied, what enemies they had and the like."
There is no record of Waymouth's return to London and of his interview with the promoters of the expedition. Arundell had been elevated to the peerage, and only a month after the return of the Archangel, he was appointed Colonel of an English regiment raised for service in Holland. It is probable, therefore, that he was henceforth engaged in other enterprises than those on this side of the sea. The Earl of Southampton, however, continued his interest in American colonization, but in connection with the London Company of Virginia. In that company's second charter his name stands alone to those of the high officers of state; and he remained at the head of its governing board until the second charter was taken away. So far as English colonization on the Maine coast was concerned, however, the loss of influence of men of such prominence was more than made good by the increased active interest of Sir John Popham. His vigorous personality, and commanding position as chief justice of England, made him forceful in any undertaking. Information concerning Waymouth's voyage probably came to him from Waymouth himself; also from Rosier's Relation, which was published in London soon after the return ofthe Archangel. Moreover, two of the Waymouth's Indians came into his possession, and from them he must have received information that could hardly have failed to increase and deepen his interest in the country from which these Indians
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WAYMOUTH'S VOYAGE.
came. Doubtless Gorges, also, intensified this awakening interest manifested by the chief justice; and the mind of Sir John Popham was soon busy with plans for taking possession of the territory thus open to English occupation and trade relations. This, however, he would have undertaken and carried forward under royal authority. His plans as they ripened involved the formation of colonies by chartered companies under license from the Crown. Plainly in matters pertaining to new-world enterprises the chief justice saw more clearly the demands of the future than did his contemporaries. |
