Chapter I.
COLONIAL MAINE.
Scholars are not agreed on the period at which the history of
Maine should begin. Some would place it at the close of the
first millenium of the Christian era, others at the middle of
the second. It is reasonably certain that in 1000 A.D. Leif,
the son of Eric, the discoverer of Greenland, was sent by King
Olaf of Norway to introduce Christianity into his father's
newly found land. On his way thither, he was driven out of his
course to an unknown country which from the abundance of grapes
growing there he called Vinland or Wineland. In the years immedi-
ately succeeding, two attempts were made to plant a colony, but
both were quickly abandoned.
Great has been the controversy over the true location of Vinland.
It has been placed in Labrador, Nova Scotia, Maine, Massachusetts
and Rhode Island. Many theories have been advanced, none have been
fully proved. The question, however, is not of great importance.
The Norsemen quickly vanished without leaving a trace of their
occupancy, and nearly five hundred years went by before the
continent of North America was again visited by white men. Even
if it be true that a few Norsemen once lived for a brief time
upon the shores of Maine, the real history of the State begins
with its discovery by the race that was to people and develop
it.
Like the great achievement of Columbus, the discovery or re-
discovery was the work of a Genoese, serving under a foreign
flag with a foreign crew.
While Columbus was vainly striving to obtain the assistance
Ferdinand and Isabella in carrying out his plans, he sent his
brother Bartholomew on a similar errant to King Henry VII of
England. Bartholomew failed but when the great discovery had
at last been made, emulation in England was aroused. The port
of Briston, in England, was the home of daring fishermen and
sailors, and for many years they had carried on a trade with
Iceland, bringing from there large quantities of "stockfish,"
that is, cod fish.
About 1490 there was living in the town a seaman, John Cabot.
He was by birth a Genoese, but he had been for some time a
naturalized citizen of Venice. Stirred, it is said, by the
achievement of Columbus, he appealed to King Henry for leave
to make discoveries and for possession of any lands found.
His petition was granted, the King reserving a fifth of the
receipts from each voyage and the sovereignty of all lands
discovered. In May, 1497, Cabot set out in a small vessel
with a crew of only eighteen men, most of whom were resi-
dents of Bristol, England. After a voyage of about seven
hundred leagues he reached land, probably the Island of Cape
Breton. In 1498 he made a second voyage and is thought to
have sailed a considerable distance southward. If he did,
John Cabot's companions were the first Englishmen to behold
the coast of Maine.1
Footnote. 1. Burrage, "Beginnings of Colonial Maine." 5.
p. 4 HISTORY OF MAINE.
But after this voyage, Englishmen ceased, for many years, to
make voyages of discovery to the New World. Perhaps the govern-
ment disapproved of them.
JOHN HAWKINS.
1565.
At the opening of the sixteenth century, England was allied with
Spain, and the Spaniards were very suspicious of expeditions
across the Atlantic. Indeed, King Ferdinand's ambassador had
formally protested against what he considered Cabot's viola-
tion of Spanish rights. By the middle of the century, however,
English fishermen were frequenting Newfoundland waters, and in
1565 John Hawkins sailed along the American coast.
In 1567 he led an expedition to the Caribbean and the Gulf of
Mexico, which ended in disaster at Vera Cruz, and three of his
men "made their long weary way northward to the Great Lakes;
and then turning eastward, as one may infer from the narra-
printed by Hakluyt, they crossed a part of what is now the
State of Maine, and, finding a French vessel on the coast,
they were taken on board and so made their way back to England."
These sailors:
David Ingram
Richard Brown
Richard Twide
were the first white men to visit the interior of Maine, per-
haps the first to stand upon Maine soil.
In 1578, Queen Elizabeth of England, granted to Sir Humphrey
Gilbert, Raleigh's half-brother, such lands as he might discov-
er in the new world. Sir Humphrey prepared two expeditions; the
first put back without crossing the ocean. On the second, he
took formal possession of Newfoundland in the name of the Queen,
but his atempts at settlement failed, and on the return, the
little vessel which he had taken for a flag-ship was lost with
all onboard. For some years after this disaster the English
attempts at colonization were made under Raleigh's leadership,
and Raleigh's chief interest was in the territory much farther
to the south. But in 1602, a vessel named the Concord, command-
ed by Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, with whom was associated
Bartholomew Gilbert, a son of Sir Humphrey, sailed the more
northern part of America.
CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING.
CAPTAIN GEORGE WAYMOUGH.
They reached the southern coast of Maine, perhaps first sight-
ing land at Cape Porpoise, and Gosnold explored the New England
coast as far as Martha's Vineyard. His intention had been to
plant a colony, but no one was willing to be left behind, and
the whole company returned to England. The next year Captain
Martin Pring made a voyage to the coast of Maine and in 1605,
Captain George Waymouth visited Monhegan, entered St. George's
river,2 explored the coast and kidnapped five Indians, from
whom, after they had been taught English, it was hoped that
valuable information could be obtained concerning the country.
Their reports proved to be of a most encouraging nature, and
the stories they told or were thought to have told (for what
they said may have been imperfectly understood), were, accord-
ing to Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the future Lord Proprietor
Footnote. For a discussion of the question, what river did
Waymouth enter, see Burrage, "Beginnings of Colonial Maine,"
pp. 40 - 48. This full book is online at:
p.5 COLONIAL MAINE.
of Maine, "the means under God of putting on foot and giving
life to all our plantations.
In 1606, charters were granted to two companies, one called
the London Company, and the other called the Plymouth Company.
The names were those of the places of residence of most of the
corporators. To the London Company was assigned the land between
the 34th and the 41st degrees of north latitude and fifty miles
south. To the Plymouth Company, that between the 38th and 45th
degrees and fifty miles north. It will be observed that these
grants overlapped, but in order to hasten settlement and to
prevent boundary disputes, it was provided that neither company
should plant within a hundred miles of a colony of the other.
SIR JOHN POPHAM, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE KING'S BENCH.
In 1606 the Plymouth Colony sent an exploring expedition to
Maine. One vessel was taken by the Spaniards. A second vessel,
sailing a little later, with Pring as the real, though not the
nominal commander, arrived safely at her destination. A strip
of coast, probably that between the St. George's and the Kenne-
bec rivers, was carefully examined, and Pring's detailed report
greatly encouraged his employers, who now determined to send
out a colony. One of the most active and influential members of
the Plymouth Company was Sir John Popham, Chief Justice of the
King's Bench. Sir John Popham contributed liberally to defraying
the expense of the venture, and obtained further assistance from
friends.
SHIPS, MARY AND JOHN AND THE GIFT OF GOD.
On May 31, 1607, the expedition set sail. It consisted of two
vessels, the Mary and John commanded by Raleigh Gilbert, a son
of Sir Humphrey; and the Gift of God, a light draft boat command-
ed by George Popham, a nephew of the Chief Justice. Of the size
of these vessels, we have no information.
INSERT.
Passengers of 1630
Ship Mary and John.
A passenger list for the Mary and John 1630 has never been discovered. Passenger lists for 17th century
ships sailing from England to New England can sometimes be difficult to locate. Some passenger lists
are never found. If you are looking for a passenger list of your English ancestors who came from England
to New England between 1620-1643, you may find your English passenger list on this web site, especially
if the passenger list you are looking for includes passengers who sailed from the West Country of
England to New England you may find it in our Volume 20 of the Search for the Passengers of the Mary
and John 1630 series.
The staff of the Mary & John Clearing House has been searching for the passengers of the Mary and John
for nearly two decades. After many errors were found in the "synthetic" lists of passengers aboard the
Mary and John by authors Charles E. Banks (1930) and Maude Pinney Kuhns (1943), we hastily published a
revised list for our volume - one in the Search Series in 1985, in preparation for the first Mary and
John tour to England in May of 1985. In 1990, after collecting more information, we published a second
list of passengers. In 1993, as more materials were discovered, we have come to the conclusion that it
is presumptuous to any list with any degree of accuracy greater than 50 to 70 percent.
However, we have attempted to compile a new list of possible passengers and then rate them as follows:
Our "A" List - Certain or highly probable passengers on the Mary and John 1630
Our "B" List - Probable passengers aboard the ship, Mary and John 1630
Our "C" List - Possible passengers aboard the Mary and John 1630
We will continue to search for new material that sheds light on who was probably aboard in 1630.
We will continue to search wills and parish registers in the West Country to seek people from the
areas around the Dorset towns of Dorchester, Bridport, Crewkerne, Somerset and Exeter, Devon where
most of the passengers appear to have originated.
Mary and John Criteria for Identifying Possible Passengers
Passengers were listed in Roger Clapp's memoirs and appear to have come in 1630. Some of the
people he named came later.
Passengers first appeared in New England in 1630, such as applying for freemanship on 19 Oct.
1630 or appearing on a jury, etc., however, only a small percentage of the 1630 population
can be found on such lists.
Passengers appeared first in New England in Dorchester, MA.
They came from either the English counties of Dorset, Somerset, Devon or maybe Wiltshire,
particularly from the areas in and around Dorchester and Bridport, Dorset, Crewkerne and Taunton,
Somerset or Exeter, Devon.
Passengers moved to Windsor, CT between 1635 and 1640, as supposedly two-thirds of the passengers did.
Passengers appeared in Windsor, as single adults, and married there between 1635 to 1642. They may
have come as servants or relatives of the other families and were too young to be found in the records
until they came of age. Possibly 20 to 25 percent of all the passengers (28-35) may have come as
servants or young relatives.
There may have been 10 to 30 passengers aboard who either died or returned to England before they
left any traces in New England. If this is true, then we can only hope to identify from 110 to 130
people at most, of the 140 passengers.
Name Approx. Age
CLAPP, ROGER 21 Salcombe Regis, Devon
COGAN, ELIZABETH wife of John Endicott 23 Chard, Somerset
COOK, ARRON 14 Dorchester, Dorset
DENSLOW, NICHOLAS 57 Bridport, Dorset
Elizabeth Doling, wife a. 56 Bridport, Dorset
Temperance Denslow, daughter 21 Bridport, Dorset
Joan Denslow, daughter 15 Bridport, Dorset
DYER, GEORGE a. 51 Dorchester, Dorset
Elizabeth _____, wife a. 50 Dorchester, Dorset
Elizabeth Dyer, daughter a. 15 Dorchester, Dorset
Mary Dyer, daughter a. 10 Dorchester, Dorset
FORD, THOMAS a. 42 Dorchester, Dorset
Elizabeth Chard, second wife a. 41 Dorchester, Dorset
Mary Ford, daughter 17 Dorchester, Dorset
Joan Ford, daughter 12 Dorchester, Dorset
Abigail Ford, daughter 10 Dorchester, Dorset
Hepzibah Ford 4 Dorchester, Dorset
FILER, ANNE probably widow a. 40 Probably Dorset
Katherine Filer a. 12 Probably Dorset
Walter Filer a. 11 Probably Dorset
GALLOP, JOHN a. 35 Bridport, Dorset
GAYLORD, JOHN a. 30 Probably Somerset
GAYLORD, WILLIAM a. 39 Crewkerne, Somerset
____, wife a. 37 Crewkerne, Somerset
Elizabeth Gaylord, daughter a. 14 Crewkerne, Somerset
William Gaylord, Jr., son 12 Crewkerne, Somerset
Samuel Gaylord, son 10 Crewkerne, Somerset
GILLETTE, JONATHAN a. 24 Chaffcombe, Somerset
HOLMAN, JOHN 28 Dorchester, Dorset
HOSKINS, JOHN a. 45 Probably Dorset
Thomas Hoskins, son a. 10 Probably Dorset
LOMBARD, THOMAS 49 Thorncombe, Dorset
____, wife a. 47 Thorncombe, Dorset
Barnard Lombard, son a. 22 Thorncombe, Dorset
Thomas Lombard Jr., son 12 Thorncombe, Dorset
Joshua Lombard, son 9 Thorncombe, Dorset
Margaret Lombard, daughter 6 Thorncombe, Dorset
LUDLOW, GEORGE 33 Dinton, Wilts
LUDLOW, ROGER 40 Dinton, Wilts
MARSHFIELD, THOMAS a. 30 Exeter, Devon
____, wife a. 28 Exeter, Devon
Sara Marshfield, daughter a. 3 Exeter, Devon
Samuel Marshfield, son a. 2 Exeter, Devon
Mercy Marshfield, daughter a. 1 Exeter, Devon
MAVERICK, REV. JOHN 51 Awliscombe, Devon
Mary Gye, wife 51 Awliscombe, Devon
Elias Maverick, son a. 26 Awliscombe, Devon
Mary Maverick, daughter 24 Awliscombe, Devon
Moses Maverick, son 21 Awliscombe, Devon
Abigail Maverick, daughter 17 Awliscombe, Devon
Antipas Maverick, daughter a. 12 Awliscombe, Devon
John Maverick Jr., son a. 11 Awliscombe, Devon
PHELPS, WILLIAM a. 35 Crewkerne, Somerset
Ann Dover, wife a. 33 Crewkerne, Somerset
William Phelps Jr., son 11 Crewkerne, Somerset
Samuel Phelps, son 10 Crewkerne, Somerset
Nathaniel Phelps, son 5 Crewkerne, Somerset
Joseph Phelps, son 1 Crewkerne, Somerset
ROCKWELL, WILLIAM 39 Dorchester, Dorset
Susan Capen, wife 28 Dorchester, Dorset
Joan Rockwell, daughter 5 Dorchester, Dorset
John Rockwell 2 Dorchester, Dorset
ROSSITER, EDWARD a. 55 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
____, wife a. 53 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
Nicholas Rossiter, son a. 31 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
Ann ___, wife of Nicholas R. a. 29 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
___, child of Nicholas a. 4 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
___, child of Nicholas a. 2 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
Bray Rossiter, son a. 20 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
Jane Rossiter, son a. 16 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
Hugh Rossiter, son, a. 15 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
Joan Rossiter, daughter a. 14 Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
___, possible relative or servent - - Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
___, possible relative or servent - - Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
___, possible relative or servent - - Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
___, possible relative or servent - - Combe St. Nicholas, Somerset
SANFORD, FRANCES, widow a. 42 Dorchester, Dorset
Henry Smith, son a. 20 Dorchester, Dorset
SOUTHCOTE, RICHARD a. 40 Devon
TERRY, STEPHEN 21 Dorchester, Dorset
UPSALL, NICHOLAS a. 30 Dorchester, Dorset
Dorothy Capen, wife a. 25 Dorchester, Dorset
WARHAM, REV. JOHN a. 34 Exeter, Devon
Susanna Gallop, wife a. 32 Exeter, Devon
WAY, HENRY a. 47 Bridport, Dorset
Elizabeth Batchelar, second wife a. 43 Bridport, Dorset
Henry Way Jr., son 19 Bridport, Dorset
Aaron Way, son 16 Bridport, Dorset
George Way, son a. 15 Bridport, Dorset
Hanna Way, daughter 15 Bridport, Dorset
Susanna Way, daughter 9 Bridport, Dorset
Richard Way, son 5 Bridport, Dorset
WILTON, DAVID 21 Beanminster, Dorset
WOLCOTT, HENRY 51 Lydiard St. Lawrence, Somerset
Elizabeth Saunders, wife 44 Lydiard St. Lawrence, Somerset
Henry Wolcott Jr., a. 20 Lydiard St. Lawrence, Somerset
George Wolcott, son a. 15 Lydiard St. Lawrence, Somerset
Christopher Wolcott a. 12 Lydiard St. Lawrence, Somerset
BRANKER, JOHN a. 22 Honiton, Devon
Abigail Searle, wife 18 Honiton, Devon
BARTOLE, JOHN 29 Crewkerne, Somerset
Parnell Hodder, wife a. 27 Crewkerne, Somerset
CHUBB, WILLIAM a. 23 Crewkerne, Somerset
FRENCH, STEPHEN a. 29 probably Misterton, Somerset
Mary ____, wife a. 27 probably Misterton, Somerset
Sara French, daughter a. 7 probably Misterton, Somerset
GALLOP, HUMPHREY a. 24 probably Dorset
GRANT, MATTHEW 28 probably Dorset or Somerset
Priscilla ____, wife 28 probably Dorset or Somerset
Priscilla Grant, daughter 3 probably Dorset or Somerset
HOLCOMBE, THOMAS a. 25 probably Dorset or Somerset
HULBERT, WILLIAM a. 20 probably Chippenham, Wilts
HULL, GEORGE a. 40 Crewkerne, Somerset
LOVELL, WILLIAM a. 25 probably Dorset or Somerset
Wyborough ____, wife a. 23 probably Dorset or Somerset
MOORE, JOHN a. 20 probably Dorset or Somerset
PARKMAN, ELIAS a. 20 Sidmouth, Devon
PEACH, JOHN SR. a. 22 probably Symondsbury, Dorset
PEACH, JOHN JR. a. 17 probably Symondsbury, Dorset
PHELPS, GEORGE a. 20 probably Dorset or Somerset
PHELPS, RICHARD a. 11 probably Dorset or Somerset
SAMWAYS, RICHARD a. 15 probably Dorset
SMITH, LUCY (w/ Frances Sanford?) a. 10 probably Dorset
SILVESTER, RICHARD a. 22 probably Dorset or Somerset
STRONG, JOHN a. 20 Chardstock, Devon
WILLIAMS, ROGER a. 24 probably Dorset or Somerset
__, Elizabeth, m. Thomas Holcombe a. 20 probably West Country
"C" List
Our "C" List of those who were POSSIBLE passengers aboard the ship the Mary and John 1630.
Our "A" List - Certain or highly probable
Our "B" List - Probable
Our "C" List - Possible
Name Approx. Age From (in England)
ALLEN, MATTHEW a. 38 possibly West Country
brother of Samuel
ALLEN, SAMUEL a. 42 possibly West Country
brother of Matthew
ALSOP, ELIZABETH 16 Crewkerne, Somerset
ALVORD, BENEDICT a. 14 Whitestaunton, Somerset
BAKER, JEFFREY a. 7 possibly West Country
BAULSTON, WILLIAM a. 29 possibly Dorset
Elizabeth_____, wife a. 27 possibly Dorset
Elizabeth Baulston, daughter a. 3 possibly Dorset
BIRGE, RICHARD a. 12 possibly West Country
BUCKLAND, THOMAS a. 16 possibly Dorset or Somerset
BUELL, WILLIAM a. 14 possibly West Country
CARTER, JOSUA a. 18 possibly West Country
CRAB, JOHN a. 30 possibly Dorset
FILLY, WILLIAM a. 10 possibly West Country
FOUKS, HENRY a. 30 possibly Dorset
Jane ____, wife a. 28 possibly Dorset
FYLER, GEORGE ? possibly Dorset
FYLER, SAMUEL ? possibly Dorset
GILLETT, JEREMIAH a. 22 Chaffcombe, Somerset
GILLETT, NATHAN a. 23 Chaffcombe, Somerset
GREENWAY, JOHN a. 45 possibly West Country
Mary ____, wife a. 43 possibly West Country
Ann Greenway, daughter a. 16 possibly West Country
Elizabeth Greenway, daughter a. 15 possibly West Country
Susanna Greenway, daughter a. 14 possibly West Country
Katherine Greenway, daughter a. 13 possibly West Country
GUNN, THOMAS a. 18 possibly West Country
HANNUM, WILLIAM a. 18 possibly West Country
HART, EDMUND a. 17 possibly West Country
HAYDEN, JOHN a. 17 possibly West Country
HAYDEN, WILLIAM a. 18 possibly West Country
JOHNSON, DAVEY ? possibly West Country
PIERCE, JOHN a. 25 possibly West Country
SMITH, JOHN ? possibly West Country
Dorothy ____, wife ? possibly West Country
John Smith Jr., son ? possibly West Country
Lawrence Smith, son ? possibly West Country
SOUTHCOT, THOMAS ? possibly Devon
THRALL, WILLIAM a. possibly West Country
WARHAM, MARY a. 2 Exeter, Devon
daughter of Rev. John Warham
WAY, ROBERT a. 12 possibly Dorset
http://www.maryandjohn1630.com/passengerlist_c.html
MAINE - BY LOUIS CLINTON HATCH.
REVEREND RICHARD SEYMOUR.
They carried beside their crews, about 120 colonists, and
provisions, guns, ammunition and so forth. Early in August
the vessels reached the Maine coast. On Sunday, the 9th,
most of the company landed on the shore of the present St.
George's harbor and held what was, as far as is known, the
first Episcopal service on New England soil.* A member of
expedition who wrote an account of the voyage, says, "We
heard a sermon delivered unto us by our preacher, giving God
thanks for our happy meeting and safe arrival into the country,
and so returned aboard again." The preacher was the Reverend
Richard Seymour. He was doubtless a member of the Church of
England and was praised by Gorges for "his pains in his place
and his honest endeavors." But of his life before and after
his brief visit to Maine, we are, and probably always will be
ignorant.
Insert - Rev. Richard Seymour.
First Services. The first Christian religious service conducted in
Maine was in 1604 when the French under DeMonts visited Mount Desert.
The first mass said in Maine was by Father Beard in October, 1611, on
an island at the mouth of the Kennebec river. In 1607 the first Protestant
religious service in New England was conducted by Rev. Richard Seymour at
Popham, where a church was built.
http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~megenweb/religion.html
MAINE.
by Louis Clinton Hatch, Ph.D.
On Wednesday, sail was made for the "Sagadahoc," now the
Kennebec, and, after some examining of the river, the penin-
sula of Sabino, lying at its entrance, was chosen as the site
for the settlement. A council to govern the colony, which had
been appointed by the King's Council of Virginia, was sworn in,
and George Popham was elected its President.
Footnote. *There can be no doubt that there were both Catholic
and Huguenot services on De Mont's Island in 1604.
p.6 MAINE - A HISTORY BY CLINTON HATCH, Ph.D.
A fort and a storehouse were begun, further explorations were
made and interviews were held with the Indians. Early in October
the ship Mary and John returned to England. The fort was completed
and houses were built within its walls. But some of the men were
unfit for the work they were expected to perform, factions arose,
the winter was early and was severe, and in December, the ship
Gift, returned to England, carrying all but forty-five of the
discouraged colonists. In February, President Popham died, and
was succeeded by Raleigh Gilbert. A fire destroyed the storehouse,
most of the stores, and probably the houses also. In the Spring,
affairs improved.
Two vessels came from England with supplies, and a promise of the
arrival of a third and larger ship in the summer. The colonists
themselves had built a pinnace which they called the Virginia,2
the name given to the whole of the English territory in America.
NEWS OF DEATH OF SIR JOHN POPHAM.
The third vessel did not arrive until about September 1st. It
brought supplies, but it also brought the news of the deaths of
the chief patron of the colony, Sir John Popham and of the death
of the elder brother of President Gilbert. It was imperative that
the President, who was his brother's heir, should proceed to
England immediately. No one at Fort St. George was qualified to
take his place, and it was determined to abandon the enterprise.
The fort was dismantled, the stores and cannon placed on board
the vessels, and all returned to Plymouth. The attempt to plant
a colony on the coast of Maine was not made hastily or carelessly,
and it had zealous and influential friends in England. It failed,
partly because of the severity of the climate and of a succession
of unfortunate accidents like the burning of the storehouse and
the deaths of the two Pophams and the elder Gilbert, but also be-
cause of the lack of men, or, at least, of a man at Fort St. George.
The deep religious principles and the sturdy character of the great
majority of the Pilgrims saved Plymouth, despite the suffering of
their first winter. The vigor of Smith, Dale and a few others,
held Virginia together, though most of the colonists were ill-
fitted for the work of pioneers.
But in Maine not only were the mass of the settlers vagrant and
dissolute, but there was no one with sufficient character and
force to compel respect and obedience. Popham was "a discreet,
careful man," ready to give his life for the service of God and
the honor of England, but he was advanced in years, feeble in
health, and was described by Gorges as "Honest, but timourously
fearful to offend or contest with others that will or do oppose
him." Gilbert was reported was reported to be "desirous of suprem-
acy and rule, a loose life, little zeal in religion, humorous,
(whimsical or cranky), headstrong and of small judgment and ex-
perience, otherwise valiant enough."
The withdrawal of the English left Maine open to the French,
who were
Footnote. 2. At the celebration of the ter-centennary of the
Popham Colony in 1904, due notice was taken of this beginning
of New England shipbuilding.
p.7 COLONIAL MAINE.
VERRAZANO
already endeavoring to enter into the land and possess it. In
1524, an Italian of French extraction, then called himself
Verrazano, had sailed along the Atlantic coast with a commiss-
from Francis I., and this gave France a claim like that which
England founded on voyages of Cabot. In 1534 Jacques Cartier had
ascended the St. Lawrence, and unsuccessful attempts were made to
plant a colony at Quebec in 1541, and on the Sable Islands in the
Bay of Fundy in 1598. In 1603 Henry IV. of France granted to the
Sieur de Monts all the land from the 46th to the 40th parallel of
north latitude, that is, from "about St. Johns, Newfoundland to
Philadelphia." In 1604, De Monts sailed for his domain, taking
with him, as geographer, Samuel de Champlain, and a gentleman
volunteer, the Sieur de Potrincourt. They examined the Bay of
Fundy, the present Annapolis Basin, which they named Port Royal,
and Passamaquoddy Bay. A settlement was made on an island in the
river St. Croix, and Champlain set out on a tour of exploration.
He passed a large island with whose beauty he was much impressed,
and which because of its mountains with their tops bare of trees,
he named Isle des Monts Deserts. He sailed up the Penobscot, which
he called "Pentegouet" and "Norumbegue," 4 to where the Kadesquit
(Kenduskeag) emptied into it, that is, to the present Bangor, Maine;
he landed there, probably at what is now the foot of Oak Street,
and had an interview with Bashebe, the great Chief of that region.
He then proceeded to the Quinibeque (Kennebec) and sailed some
distance up the river, but bad weather checked his progress and he
returned to St. Croix. The winter was a hard one and nearly half
the colonists died of scurvy. In the summer supplies arrived and
DeMonts and Champlain sailed along the coast to Cape Cod. On their
return to St. Croix, it was determined to go back to the Bay of
Fundy. DeMonts went to France in the interest of the colony, but
his men were completely discouraged and soon followed him home.
Like the Popham colonists, they were not of the stuff of which
pioneers are made.
1610.
In 1610 DePotrincourt, who had obtained a grant of Port Royal
from De Monts, planted a small colony there. In the following
year a vessel carrying supplies and two Jesuits, Fathers Pierre
Biard and Enemond Masse' arrived. An exploration down the coast
was undertaken by Potrincourt's son Biencourt, accompanied by
Father Biard, and during the
Footnote.4 Justin Winsor says of the "Norumbega" in his "Christo-
pher Columbus and How He Received and Imparted the Spirit of Dis-
covery": "It was apparently during the voyages of Verrazano that
an Indian name which was understood as "Arambega" was picked up
along the northern coast as designating the region, and which a
little later was reported by others as 'Norumbega' and so passed
into the mysterious and fabled nomenclature of the coast with a
good deal of the unstableness that attended the fabulous islands
of the Atlantic in the fancy of the geographers of the Middle
Ages. As a definition of territory it gradually grew to have a
more and more restricted application, coming down mainly after a
while to the limits of the later New England, and at last finding
a home on the Penobscot. Still the region it represented contract-
ed and expanded in people's notions, and on maps the name seemed to
have a license to wander."
p.8 HISTORY OF MAINE.
expedition mass was said by Father Biard, on an island in the
Kennebec, near the present city of Bath. The winter was marked by
considerable friction between Biencourt and the Jesuits. A pious
lady of rank, the Marchioness de Guecherville, who had assisted in
sending the Fathers to Port Royal, now, with the aid of friends,
fitted out a vessel "to take the Jesuits away from Port Royal and
to found a new French settlement in a more suitable place."
MOUNT DESERT.
She had already obtained from De Monts a transfer of his rights
and also a grant of the territory from the King. The head of the
expedition was a certain Captain Saussay; the captain of the ship
was named Flory. The vessel also carried another Jesuit priest
and a lay brother, Gilbert du Thet. On reaching Port Royal,
Fathers Biard and Masse' were taken on board and the ship set
sail for Kadesquit, where it was intended to establish the new
Colony. But Captain Flory missed the Penobscot in a fog and storm
and when the weather cleared the vessel was off Mount Desert.
BAR HARBOR, MAINE.
The pilot took it into a beautifl port to which was given the
name of Saint Sauveur (the present Bar Harbor). The pilot and
the sailors now claimed that their contract of carriage had
been performed and refused to go to the Penobscot. The Indians
promised to show the Fathers as good a site for a colony as
Kadesquit, and it was finally decided to locate their settlement
at Fernald's Point on the western side of the island, where there
is a very beautiful and well sheltered harbor.
Father Biard says that "the chiefs of the enterprise" were anxious
to begin work on the houses and fortifications at once, but Saus-
saye persisted in "amusing himself with agriculture." He was soon
to learn his error.
The Virginians were accustomed to send vessels to New England to
obtain supplies of fish, and Captain Samuel Argall had come north
for that purpose. On leaving England he had been given a commiss-
ion to expel any foreign intruders that he might find within the
borders of King James's grants. Learning from some Indians of the
presence of the French, he induced one of the savages, who believed
that his intentions were friendly, to guide him to the new settle-
ment.
Argell sailed into the harbor with colors flying, drums beating
and his ship ready for action. Many of the French were on shore,
and the greater part thought it prudent to remain there. A few
went on board their vessel, which, however, was in no condition
either to fight or to fly. Father Biard says: "The first volley
from the English was terrible, the whole ship being enveloped in
fire and smoke. On our side they responded coldly, and the artill-
ery was altogether silent. Captain Flory cried, "Fire the cannon,
fire!" but the cannoneer was not there. Now Gilbert du Thet, who
all his life had never felt fear or shown himself a coward, hear-
ing this command and seeing no one obey it, took a match and made
us speak as loudly as the enemy. Unfortunately he did not take
aim; if he had, perhaps there might have been something worse
than mere noise."*
Footnote.* Thwaites, "Jesuit Relations," III: 281.
p.9 COLONIAL MAINE.
The English, fearing that their vessel might ground, drew off,
but discovering that there was no danger of this, came on again,
pouring in volleys of musketry. Gilbert du Thet, was shot through
the body, died mortally wounded. Captain Flory and three others
were also wounded and the French surrendered. Two very promising
young men who attempted to reach the shore by swimming, were
drowned, having either been shot in the water or wounded before
they jumped from their boat.
The day after the capture of the ship, Saussay came out of the
woods and surrendered. Ultimately all the French were allowed to
return home and even their ship was given up, but Madame de Guech-
erville's claim for damages was sharply denied on the grounds that
she was a trespasser.
This skirmish, in which only three were killed on one side and
none on the other, may seem unworthy of description, but it was
the beginning of the contest for North America between the French
and the English, which lasted one hundred and fifty years and only
closed with the cession of Canada by the treaty of Paris in 1763.
Nor was the little battle in Somes' Sound important merely as the
beginning of the struggle; it was also a factor in the result. Had
the French established themselves at Mount Desert, it may be that
neither Pilgrim nor Puritan would have cared to settle so near
them as Massachusetts, that all or nearly all of New England would
have been a part of New France and that the great contest would
have ended differently.
Argall's exploit left Maine again open to the English, but so great
was the discouragement over the failure at Fort St. George, that for
many years little attempt was made at colonization and that little
was totally unsuccessful. There was, however, much resort to the
island of Monhegan for fishing, and in 1614, Captain John Smith
visited the coast and engaged in fishing, fur trading and exploring.
The Plymouth Company was inactive, and in 1620 a new Charter grant-
ing more extensive powers, and the territory from the 40th to the
48th degree of north latitude instead of that from the 38th to
the 45th, was given to the "Council established at Plymouth in
the County of Devon, England, for the planting, ruling, ordering
and governing of New England in America."
This was substantially a reincorporation of the old Plymouth
Company. There were "forty-eight patentees, thirteen of whom were
peers of the Realm, and all men of distinction." Among their privi-
leges was the exclusive right of fishing in the seas adjoining their
grant, but so strong was the opposition to this monopoly that it
was surrendered.
THE PROVINCE OF MAINE.
On August 10, 1622, the Council gave to Sir Ferdinando Gorges
and Captain George Mason, jointly, the land between the Merrimac
and Sagadahoc rivers which, the grants states, the "with the con-
sent of the President and Council, intend to name it the Province
of Maine." Mr. Burrage says that "this is the first use of the
designation 'PROVINCE OF MAINE', in any printed document."
p.10 HISTORY OF MAINE.
1623.
PORTLAND HARBOR, MAINE.
In 1623, six thousand acres of the territory were granted to
Christopher Levett of York, who settled ten men near what is now
Portland harbor, but the colony soon disappeared. Later, several
settlements were made on the coast of Maine through the enterprise
of private persons. On July 15, 1625, the first deed of Maine soil
was executed, two Indian chiefs giving to John Brown of New Harbor,
a piece of land including "most of the town of Bristol, all the
towns of Nobleborough and Jefferson, also part of the town of
Newcastle." The price was "fifty skins." It is said that by
1630 there were eighty-four families "on the St. George's river
and at Sheepscot."
In the same year two grants were made, known as Ligonia, or the
Plough Patent, and the Muscongus, or the Waldo Patent. The form-
er obtained its name because the land granted was to be called
the Province of Ligonia (Gorge's mother's maiden name was Lygon),
and because the first of the grantees to arrive came to America
in the ship called the Plough. They appear to have been a "pecul-
iar people," who styled themselves "husbandmen." The second pat-
ent was called Muscongus from an Indian name mentioned in the
patent, and "Waldo" because in the eighteenth century Samuel Waldo
became owner of by far the greater part of the land granted by the
patent, and did much for its settlement.
In 1630 an important grant was made to the Governor of Plymouth,
William Bradford, who acted as representative of the Colony. The
Pilgrims, in order to obtain the money to come to America, had
been obliged to enter into a partnership with certain London mer-
chants, and these men soon began to press for a return on their
investment. In 1626 and arrangement was made by which the mer-
chants were to transfer their interest to the colonists for �1800
to be paid in ine equal installments of �200 a year, beginning
with the year 1628. The means for doing this the Pilgrims found
in the fur trade. In 1625 Mr. Edward Winslow had bought of the
Indians of the Kennebec district, "seven hundred pounds of good
beaver and some other furs" for "a shallop's load of corn."
The profits of the trade depended largely on maintaining a mono-
poly, and in 1630 the Pilgrims procured from the Council for New
England a grant of the Kennebec river "from Gardiner to falls in
the river about half way between Augusta and Waterville," and a
strip of land fifteen miles wide on each bank. The Pilgrims built
a storehouse at Cushenoc (Augusta), the Indians found them the
only buyers, and such quantities of beaver were obtained at moder-
ate prices, that by 1633, the proceeds of its sale had discharged
the debt to the English merchants three years before the final pay-
ment was due.
The Plymouth Colony, to whom Bradford had transferred his rights,
retained their Kennebec lands until 1661, when they sold them to
Antipas Boies, Edward Tyng, Thomas Brattle and John Winslow. For
about a century no effort was made to colonize the district.
Their heirs and other persons admitted as associates formed a
p.11 COLONIAL MAINE.
a corporation called "The Proprietors of the Kennebec Purchase
from the late colony of New Plymouth," which remained in exist-
ence until 1816, playing a prominent though not always a bene-
ficial part in the settling of Maine.
The Council for New England was becoming moribund. Its meetings
were scantily attended, and on February 13, 1635, the country
between the Hudson and the Kennebec was divided into eight parts
and presented to eight members of the Council, and to each part,
except the two easternmost, was added ten thousand acres east of
the Kennebec. Gorge's share was the land already owned by him
between the Piscataqua and the Kennebec, now named New Somerset-
shire.
In 1636 an attempt was made to create a government in the prov-
ince, and Gorge's nephew, William, was sent over as as Governor.
He established a court of seven commissioners for the trial of
of offences, which was duly opened on March 21, 1636. This was
"the first authorized organization attempted in the province."
The Governor, however, returned to England the next year, and
apparently the Court ceased to meet. In 1639, the King issued
a Charter confirming the grant of New Somersetshire, but "dir-
ecting that Gorge's 'portion of the mainland' should forever
thereafter be called and named the Province or County of Maine,
and not by any other name or names whatsoever."
Gorges was given most extensive powers, but was only allowed to
make laws with the consent of the freeholders "when there shall
be any." He appointed a council of seven, the first member being
also Deputy Governor, to administer the province and act as a
court. As deputy, Sir Ferdinando named his cousin Thomas. Burrage
says of him: "From first to last he had the respect of all law-
abiding citizens. The three years he spent here, from 1640 to
1643, were passed in a way not only exceedingly creditable to
himself, but helpful to the settlers in their desires to secure
better conditons; and his name deserves to be accorded high honor
for the services he rendered at an important period in the be-
ginning of colonial Maine. It is not too much to say of Thomas
Gorges that his was by far the one conspicuously attractive
personality in the Province in all its early history." 6
Sir Ferdinando also transformed a little settlement at Aga-
menticus into a city with an elaborate government, and changed
its name to Gorgeana. But scarcely had he organized his province
when, as a result of a local quarrel, he was deprived of almost
the whole of it. On December 1st, 1631, the Council of New Eng-
land had granted to Robert Trelawney and Moses Goodyear, a large
quantity of land on Casco Bay. In 1637 Goodyear died and Tre-
lawney inherited his share. These gentlemen were wealthy Ply-
mouth merchants and neither of them went to New England them-
selves, but they sent over a manager, John Winter, who pressed
his employers' claims with much vigor. About 1630 a certain
George Cleeve, a
Footnote. Burrage "Beginnings of Colonial Maine," p.312.
p.12 HISTORY OF MAINE.
native of Plymouth, England, settled on the Spurwink in the
present Falmouth, Maine. Winter warned him off as a trespasser
on Trelawney's land, and he moved to the present site of Portland,
but Winter challenged his right to this location as well. The dis-
pute continued for a number of years, and in 1642 Cleeve went to
England and induced Colonel Alexander Rigby, a Puritan member of
Parliament, to purchase the old Legonia or Plough Patent from the
surviving patentees, confirm Cleeve's title to the land on which
he was settled, which was within the territory granted by the
patent, and to appoint him deputy-president of Ligonia. Gorge's
deputy, Richard Vines of Saco, persistently refused to recognize
Cleeve's authority. But in 1647, the Earl of Warwick and the
Commissioners of Foreign Plantations7 heard the case and decided
in favor of Rigby, giving him all the land between the Kennebec
and the Kennebunk, and leaving to Gorges only the little district
in the extreme southwest between the Kennebunk and the Piscataqua.
EDWARD GODFREY.
THE FIRST ELECTED GOVERNOR OF MAINE.
The opponents of Cleeve now outwardly submitted to his authority,
and some of the most prominent of them were entrusted with office.
In May, 1647, Sir Ferdinando Gorges died. Two years later, no
directions as to the government of his Province of Maine having
been received, the inhabitants were assembled at Gorgeana, where
they voted to form themselves into a body politic until "further
order, power and authority shall come out of England," and to
elect magistrates. Edward Godfrey, who had been left in charge
by Thomas Gorges, was chosen Governor, "and thus became the first
Governor elected by the people in what is now the State of Maine.
In 1650 Colonel Rigby died suddenly, and Cleeve went to England
with a petition that Parliament would confirm the judgment of the
commissioners in favor of Rigby. He was unable, however, to obtain
this and on his return found that a new and formidable claimant
to a part of Maine had appeared, the Colony of Massachusetts Bay.
Massachusetts had annexed the New Hampshire settlements because
of the anarchy into which they had fallen, and she now claimed that
her Charter included within her limits all the settlements in
"Maine" and in "Ligonia."
In July, 1652, commissioners from Massachusetts appeared at
Kittery and held a conference with Governor Godfrey and other
persons exercising authority in the Province of Maine, but neith-
er side would yield. In November, commissioners again appeared,
assembled the inhabitants, and set forth the claim of the Bay
Colony. After a discussiion which lasted four days, forty-one
of the inhabitants, probably a large majority of the "freemen
of the place," signed a submission to the government of Massa-
chusetts. The commissioners then announced the Grant of various
privileges. The territory beyond the Piscataqua was to form a
separate county, to be known as Yorkshire.
Footnote. 7. The war between the King and Parliament had termin-
ated in favor of the latter and all authority in England was in
their hands and that of their officers. 8. Vines had sold his
land and gone to the Barbadoes.
p.13 MAINE.
KITTERY FREEMEN ALSO FREEMEN OF MASSACHUSETTS.
THE TOWN OF GORGEANA CHANGED TO TOWN OF YORK.
No man in Yorkshire was to be called to any general training of
militia outside of the County without his express consent, and
no taxes were to be levied in Yorkshire, except for the use of
the county. All freemen of Kittery were to be freemen of Massa-
chusetts whether members of the church or not, and Kittery was
to be represented in the Legislature of Massachusetts, the
"General Court." The commissioners then proceeded to Gorgeana
and received submission there. Godfrey refused to vote, but
after the supremacy of Massachusetts had been accepted, gave
his consent to wheat had been done. The "city" was then de-
graded to a town and its name of Gorgeana was changed to that
York.
Massachusetts had from the first, looked with scorn on the new
city. Governor John Winthrop says in his Journal that the people
of Maine were not invited to join a confederation of other New
England colonies, "because they ran a different course from us,
both in their ministry and civil administration, for they had
lately made Acomenticus (a poor village) a corporation, and had
made a taylor their mayor, and had entertained one Hull, an ex-
communicated person, and very contentious, for their minister."
Perhaps Massachusetts also wished to wipe out all memory of the
"usurper" Gorges.
INSERT.
The Journal of John Winthrop, p.39. footnote 99. Sir Fernando
Gorges (1588-1647) had obtained in 1620, a royal charter for his
Council for New England, with title to a vast tract in America
from the latitude of Philadelphia N to the St. Lawrence River;
in the 1620s he started his own colony at Piscataqua. The Council
for New England had issued a land patent to the newly formed MBC
in 1628 but Gorges was hostile to the Puritan migration of 1630.
MAINE BY LOUIS CLINGTON HATCH, Ph.d.
Maine Historical Society.
p.13 - continued.
In 1653 a submission like that of Kittery and Gorgeana was made
by Wells, Cape Porpoise and Saco. The dwellers in what is now
Scarborough and Portland, were more obdurate, but Massachusetts
waited patiently, the need of a strong settled government cont-
inually became more manifest, and in 1658, her authority was
accepted. Among those who signed the submission were George
Cleeve, his son-in-law and Robert Jordan, the holder of the Tre-
lawney property.
CAPTAIN JOHN MASON.
Two years after the acquisition of Maine and Ligonia by Massa-
chusetts, England recalled King Charles II., and the Bay Colony
was threatened with the loss not only of her new territories but
of her own Charter. The King, however, confirmed the Charter, but
a committee of Parliament reported that the claims of Mason and
Gorges were well-founded, the King's Attorney-General gave an
opinion in favor of the heirs of Captain John Mason, and Massa-
chusetts was obliged to surrender New Hampshire. To Maine she
clung more tenaciously. There was much unrest and disaffection
there.
In 1662 not a town in Maine chose a representative to the General
Court. Massachusetts, however, firmly asserted her authority, and
in the following year three deputies were sent by Maine towns to
the General Court.
In February, 1665, four commissioners appeared in Boston with
power from the King to hear and act on complaints and appeals.
In June, after failing to obtain a recognition of their authori-
ty from Massachusetts, they sailed for New Hampshire and Maine.
With them had come an agent of
Footnotes. Winthrop's Journal, II, p.99 in "Original Narratives
of Early American History." The authority for nearly all the
statements up to this point is Burrage's "The Beginnings of
Colonial Maine."
p.14 HISTORY OF MAINE BY L. C. HATCH.
Ferdinando Gorges, the grandson of Sir Ferdinando, bearing a
letter from the King, commanding the people of Maine to restore
the government to Gorges, or without delay show reason to the
contrary. These directions were communicated to the Massachusetts
authorities but they refused to withdraw their authority on the
grounds that the order was not addressed to them. The Commiss-
ioners told the inhabitants of Maine that the Charter rights of
Gorges were too great to be held by one of the most favored
subjects, which Mr. Gorges was, and issued a proclomation re-
ceiving "all his Majesty's good subjects, living within the
Province of Maine, under his immediate protection and govern-
ment," and appointing certain persons Justices of the Peace to
act as a court and to order the affairs of the province "till
the appointment of another government by the Crown." They
forbade judges sent by Massachusetts to enter the province and
these gentlemen deemed it wise to obey. The authority of the
Justices was, however, inusfficient to maintain order, the leg-
ality of their appointment was uncertain, and many desired to
again enjoy the firm yet mild rule of Massachusetts.
In 1668 the General Court of Massachusetts called on the people
of Maine to submit to the laws and government of Massachusetts,
and sent commissioners to hold a court in York, Maine. They
were accompanied by a military escort, and the Justices, while
publicly and vehemently protesting, did not attempt to defend
their claims by arms. The Commissioners re-established the
government of Massachusetts and it was not again displaced until,
one hundred and fifty years later, Maine, with the consent of
Massachusetts became a State of the Union.
It was only in 1677, however, that Massachusetts secured a
clear title. A committee of the Privy Council had rendered a
decision against her claim, but also unfavorable to that of
Gorges and the latter was induced to sell all his rights to
an agent of Massachusetts" for �1250.
There was some question in Massachusetts concerning the proper
method of governing Maine, but it was decided that Massachusetts
had recognized the rights of Gorges by purchasing them, and that
as a decision had been given in England against her claims, she
must act under Gorges's Deed and not under her Charter, and
govern Maine as Gorges might have done, as Penn and Lord Balti-
more governed Pennsylvania and Maryland. Accordingly, a Presi-
dent of Maine to serve one year and Councillors to serve until
removed, were appointed by the assistants (or council) of Massa-
chusetts, and a House of Deputies was elected annually by the
Maine towns. The same gentleman, Thomas Danforth of Cambridge,
was appointed President year after year, and proved an efficient
and popular officer. He visited Maine each year; in his absence
his duties were charged by a Deputy President. The Province of
Maine extended only to the Kennebec. The districts
Footnote. This gentleman acted without authority but the colony
after a little hesitation accepted the arrangement.
p.15 MAINE.
ALLERTON AND VINES.
to the east, often called the Sagadahoc territory, repeatedly
changed ownership and government. The Plymouth Colony attempted
a settlement at "Penobscot," that is, on the Castine peninsula,
but it was quickly broken up by the French. Mr. Allerton of
Plymouth and Richard Vines of Saco built a trading house at
Machias, but this also was seized and plundered by the French.
The French, however, not satisfied with driving away the Eng-
lish, proceeded to fight among themselves. For some twelve
years an intermittent war was carried on between Charles de la
Tour, commandant at St. John, and Aulnay, the commandant at
Penobscot. It ended in the capture of St. John after a gallant
defense and the "execution" of the garrison, except one man,
contrary to Aulnay's solemn promise. La Tour was not in the
fort, but his wife was, and had been the life of the defense.
The chivalrous Aulnay paraded her on the scaffold with a halt-
er round her neck, and three weeks later she died of grief and
shame. Aulnay remained in control until his death in 1651.
Next year La Tour married his widow, and succeeded to the
authority as well as the wife of his old rival.
In 1654, Cromwell, disregarding a treaty of 1632, which had
restored Acadia to France, ordered its reconquest, and Major
Sedgwick of Charlestown occupied it without resistance. Crom-
well appointed Colonel Thomas Temple, the Governor of Nova
Scotia, which was described as extending to the St. George's
river. In 1667, King Charles II, by the treaty of Breda ceded
Nova Scotia to France. A supplementary article added in the
following year ceded the whole of Acadia and specially ment-
ioned "Pentagoet" or Penobscot.
A regiment of the French army, the "Carignan Salieres," had
been stationed at Quebed. After the Peace of Breda, its colon-
el, Jean Vincent de l'Abadie, Sieur de St. Castin, went into
the wilderness. Probably by the way of the Kennebec he drifted
into Acadia, and at some date after the surrender of the fort
at Pentagoet by Captain Richard Walker to the Chevalier de
Grand-Fontaine, August 5, 1670, according to the treaty, he
appears in the locality which now bears his name. There he
lived for more than thirty years, safeguarding the interests
of France on the border and trading with the Indians and the
English. M. de Denoville, in his report to the Minister of
France, November 10, 1686, described him as a gentlemanly
officer, daring and enterprising, loyal, the ruler of the
savages, "quite solicitous of honor," and having lately come
into a yearly income of 5000 French francs. "It is true that
he has been addicted in the past to libertinism ... but he has
very much reformed and has very good sentiments." M. de Menneval,
December 1, 1687, writes: "The
Footnote. "The name given by the French to Nova Scotia includ-
ing the present New Brunswick and eastern Maine - France claim-
ed the country as far as the Kennebec but would probably have
accepted the Penobscot as the boundary, had the English made
the offer.
p.16 HISTORY OF MAINE.
Sieur de St. Castin is absolute master of the savages, the
Canibas, (that is, the Kennebec Indians), and of all their
business, being in the forest with them since 1665, and hav-
ing with him two daughters of the chief of the savages, by
whom he has many children." On Setpember 10, 1688, Menneval
reports: "I have induced the Sieur de St. Castin to live a
more regular life. He has quitted his traffic with the English,
his debauchery with the savages, he is married, and has promis-
ed me to labor to make a settlement in this country." In 1693
A French census reports him at Pentagoet, aged fifty-seven,
with a wife and one child. This wife was Mathilde, the young-
est daughter of Madockawando, with whose other daughters he
had consorted previously. A contemporary English account says
that he had three or four Indian wives. Anselm, his son by
Mathilde, married Charlotte l'Amours of Port Royal, 1707 and
Anastasie, his daughter by the same, married at the same time
(1707) the Baron of Belleisle. A daughter by another Indian
woman was married to an Indian in Port Royal, and he had a
second acknowledged son, Joseph Dabadis, or Robardie. The
Penobscot chief Orono traces to St. Castin, and the Aitteons
are reputed to have the same descent.
INSERT.
ORONO
A COLLECTION OF AMERICAN EPITAPHS AND INSCRIPTIONS WITH OCCASIONAL NOTES.
By REV. TIMOTHY ALDEN, A.M., Honorary Member of the Massachusetts and of
the New York Historical Societies, Member of the American Antiquarian
Society, etc. Pentade I. Vol. I.
p.60 OLDTOWN.
PENOBSCOT INDIAN CHIEF ORONO.
Orono, the venerable chief of the Penobscot tribe, departed this life on the 5 of
February, 1801 at the age of 113 years. He was greatly endeared to his tribe, and
spent his life in cultivating the principles of peace. During the Revolutionary war,
he formed a treaty with our government which he faithfully kept, while some of the
more southern tribes became a scourge
to our frontier settlements.
According to tradition, the island in Penobscot River, called Oldtown, has been
the favourite residence of the aborigines, for more than ten thousand moons. The
present inhabitants are Roman catholics, who have a decent chapel and bell, and
are diligently instructed by a missionary. The following anecdote occurs, as giv-
en to the author of this work by the late Rev. Daniel Little, of Kennebunk. Mr.
Little was sent on a mission, many years since, into the Penobscot country, where
he became acquainted with Orono. On a certain time, in a pleasant, familiar manner,
he asked Orono in what language he prayed. Orono made no reply, but assumed a great
aspect. Mr. Little repeated his question; but Onono, without uttering a single word,
looked still more grave. After a little interval, Mr. Little, clapping Orono on his
shoulder, said, "Come, Orono, come, tell me in what language you say your prayers -
Indian, French or Latin? He knew the French to be well understood by the tribe,
from their intercourse with the Canadians.
p.61
Orono, with a solemnity of countenance, which delighted Mr. Little, lifted up his
hands and his eyes towards heaven, and said, "No matter, Great Spirit know all
language."
Orono was unquestionably of white origin. It is conjectured that he was a native
of York, in the District of Maine, that his family name was Donnel, that in 1692,
when that place was, in a great measure, destroyed by the savage enemy, he was
carried into captivity, and that his relatives, who escaped with their lives, not
knowing what became of him, supposed him to have been killed.
The following lines, occasioned by his death, are attributed to Martin Kinsley, Esq.,
and were published in the Piscat. Evan. Mag. Vol. I.
Ah brother Sanop, What bad news you speak!
Why steals the tear down thy sombre cheek?
Why heaves thy breast with such tremendous sighs,
And why depair dart horror from from thy eyes?
Has the Great Spirit, from the world above,
Called home your chief, the object of your love?
Ah! yes; too well I know his spirit's fled,
Too well I know your Orono is dead.
Each warrior sanop now unbends his bow,
While grief and sorrow brood upon his brow.
Each manly youth reclines his head and cries,
In Orono, our friend and chieftain dies.
Each young papoose to sympathy is bred,
And shrieking, whoops, your Orono is dead.
Each sombre face in pallid hue appears,
p.62
And each his grief in death-like silence bears.
The great Penobscot rolls his current on
And silently bemoans his oldest son.
A century past, the object of his care,
He fed and clothed him with his fish and fur;
But now, alas! he views his shores in vain,
To find another Orono in man.
For whiter Indians, to our shame we see,
Are not so virtuous nor humane as he.
Disdaining all the savage modes of life,
The tomahawk, and bloody scalping knife,
He sought to civilize his tawny race,
'Till death, great Nimrod of the human race,
Hit on his track and gave this hunter chase.
His belt and wampum now aside are flung,
His pipe extinguished, and his bow unstrung.
When countless moons their destined rounds shall
cease,
He'll spend an endless calumet of peace.
Epitaph.
Safe lodged within his blanket here below,
Lie the last relicks of old Orono.
Worn down with toil and care, he in a trice
Exchanged his wigwam for a paradise.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
MAINE.
(continued.)
p.16 Of the last years of the Baron Castin, nothing certain is
known. Popular report has it that he went back in 1701 to
Oleron, France, taking his Indian wife with him, being call-
to France to answer a charge of illegal trading with the Eng-
ish. But Parkman says that there exists a plan for the capture
of Boston, made in 1702 by the Baron Castin. Nothing is known
of him after this; but he stands ever the supreme incarnation
of romance on the Maine coast, as vivid as his great contempor-
ary, Dumas's "D'Artignan."
In 1664, King Charles II gave the yet to be conquered New
Netherlands to his brother, the Duke of York. He also granted
him the territory between the Penobscot and the St. Croix.
It received a simple form of government under the name of the
county of Cornwall, and retained a slight connection with New
York, until New York and New England were united under the rule
of Andros. The Treaty of Breda gave half of Cornwall to France,
and Massachusetts, fearing that the rest might follow, ordered
a new demarcation of her limits. The surveyor reported that the
point through which the east and west line which formed her
northern boundary ought to run, had been placed too far sough
and that the true line would cross the Kennebec near what is now
Bath, Maine, terminate at Penobscot Bay, and include Pemaquid,
Monhegan and other important places. Commissioners were sent to
this district, the people were summoned to swear allegiance and
a new county called Devonshire was established and organized.
For twelve years Massachusetts ruled Maine as Lord Proprietor,
Footnote. For the above account of Castine, the author is in-
debted to Mrs. Fannie Hardy Eckstorm.
p.17 COLONIAL MAINE.
then in 1684 her Charter was declared forfeited by the Court
of King's Bench, and with the rest of New England she was placed
under the rule of Andros. In 1689, King James II was deposed and
William of Orange made King. At the first news of William's in-
vasion of England, the people of Massachusetts had risen, impris-
oned Andros and established a provisional government, restoring
the officers who had acted under the former Charter. They hoped
that their zeal would be rewarded by its restoration, but though
William was well disposed toward them, there was great opposition
to again conferring on Massachusetts privileges which made her
almost independent, and she was obliged to accept a new charter
less liberal than the former, the Governor being appointed and
removed by the King.
Maine and Sagadahoc were made a part of Massachusetts instead
of dependencies, and it was provided that three of the Governor's
Council of twenty-eight should be residents or landowners of
Maine and one of Sagadahoc. No lands east of the Kennebec could
be granted without the previous approval of the Crown.
GOVERNOR PHIPPS.
In order to soften the disappointment of Massachusetts at not
regaining her old Charter, a resident of Boston, born in the
province was appointed the first Royal Governor. The person
chosen was Sir William Phipps, a native of Maine. Phipps may
be considered the first of America's self-made men. He was one
of twenty-six children of a farmer living near the mouth of the
Kennebec. Parkman says of him:
"Governor Phipps parents were ignorant and poor, and until he
was eighteen years of age, he was employed in keeping sheep.
Such a life ill-suited his active and ambitious nature. To
better his condition, he learned the trade of ship carpenter,
and in the exercise of it came to Boston, where he married a
widow (a native of Maine), beyond him in years and much above
him in station. About this time he learned to read and write.
Still aspiring to greater things, he promised his wife that he
would one day command a King's ship and own a fair brick house
in the Green Lane of north Boston, a quarter then occupied by
citizens of the better class. He kept his word on both points."
Phipps never concealed the humbleness of his origin; indeed, he
was very proud of having been the architect of his own fortune,
and he frequently boasted of the fact.
After various unsuccessful ventures he determined to find a
Spanish treasure galleon sunk in the West Indies, some fifty
years before. He induced the English Admiralty to give him a
frigate for the purpose, but after long search returned un-
successful. He had, however, shown the stuff of which he was
made by Quelling two mutinies. In one of these it is narrated:
"The crew, tired of a vain and toilsome search, came to the
quarterdeck, armed with cutlasses and demanded of the captain
that he should
Footnote. He was also the first person born in what is now the
United States, to receive a title from the English crown - Sir
William Phipps. (The 2nd and last person to recieve the title
was Sir William Pepperell of Maine)
p.18 HISTORY OF MAINE.
turn pirate with them. Phipps, a tall and powerful man, in-
tantly fell upon them with his fists, knocked down the ring-
leaders, and awed them all into submission. Not long after,
there was a more formidable mutiny; but, with great courage
and address, he quelled it for a time and held his crew to
their duty until he brought the ship into Jamaica, and ex-
changed them for better men.
"Though the leaky condition of the frigate compelled him to
abandon the search, it was not until he had gained information
which he thought would lead to success; at his return he in-
spired such confidence that the Duke of Albemarle, with other
noblemen and gentlemen, gave him a fresh outfit and dispatched
him again on his quixotic errand. This time he succeeded; found
the wreck, and took from it gold, silver and jewels to the
value of three hundred thousand pounds sterling. The crew now
leagued together to seize the ship and divide the prize; and
Phipps, pushed to extremity, was compelled to promise every man
of them would have a share in the treasure, even if he paid it
himself.
On reaching England he kept his pledge so well, that, after re-
deeming it, only sixteen thousand pounds was left as his portion,
which, however, was an ample fortune in the New England of that
day. He gained as well, what he valued almost as much, the honor
of knighthood. Tempting offers were made him of employment in
the Royal service; but he had an ardent love for his own country,
and thither he presently returned."
For his native village, Phipps retained an affection and though
his temper was quick he never bore malice and often treated his
opponents with great magnanimity. His free use of cane and fists,
for which there was more provocation than one would suppose from
reading Parkman's account of him, gave an opportunity for his
enemies to cause him to be summoned to London to defend himself.
Before a decision had been rendered, he was attacked by a malig-
nant fever of which he died, on February 18, 1695."
Phipps' appointment as Governor was largely due to the influence
of the Mathers, who perhaps hoped that they could use him. He had
never shown the qualifications needed for the delicate and diffi-
position of first Royal Governor of Massachusetts, and he had
recently failed in a post for which he might have been supposed
to be well fitted - that of Admiral-General. Massachusetts had
revolted against Andros in the midst of an Indian war. The
French joined the Indians. Maine was ravaged both by savages
and by Acadian privateers, and by the autumn of 1691, only
four towns in Maine - Wells, York, Kittery and Appledore - were
inhabited.
In 1692, York was attacked, many of the houses burned, and
half the inhabitants killed or carried away into captivity;
but the fort was bravely defended and the Indians were unable
to take it. Wells was next assailed, the enemy using a movable
breast work and a fire boat, but here also they were beaten
off.
On their part, the English attacked Nova Scotia and even
Quebec. In 1689 Phipps captured Port Royal, and appears to
have plundered the
Footnote. Parkman, "Frontenac and New France under Louis XIV,"
252-254.
p.19 COLONIAL MAINE.
French Governor contrary to the terms of the capitulation."
In the following year he led a force raised by Massachusetts at
an expense far beyond her means, against Quebec. The expedition
was delayed by unfavorable winds, and an invasion by way of Lake
Champlain, which had been relied on for a diversion, was not made.
Phipps, as always, showed personal courage, but displayed little
ability as a commander. At first slow and hesitating, he finally
attacked without waiting to properly co-ordinate his land and sea
forces, and was repulsed and abandoned the siege. If, however,
he had continued to blockade a little longer, the city might
have yielded not to arms but to the fear of famine. All the
farmers were in the garrison and could not be spared, but un-
less the harvest were gathered there would be no food for the
next winter.
HISTORY OF MAINE.
French Governor contrary to the terms of the capitulation. In
the following year he led a force raised by Massachusetts at
an expense far beyond her means, against Quebec. The expedi-
tion was delayed by unfavorable winds, and an invasion by way
of Lake Champlain, which had been relied on for a diversion,
was not made. Phipps, as always, showed personal courage,
but displayed little ability as a commander. At first slow
and hesitating, he finally attacked without waiting to prop-
erly co-ordinate his land and sea forces, and was repulsed and
abandoned the siege. If, however, he had continued the block-
ade a little longer, the city might have yielded not to arms
but to the fear of famine. All the farmers were in the garri-
son and could not be spared, but unless the harvest were
gathered there would be no food for the next winter.
In 1697 peace was made between France and England by the
Treaty of Ryswick, which provided that the colonial bound-
aries should be the same as at the outbreak of the war.
LOUISBOURG.
In 1702 France and England again declared war, and the
Indians of Maine, breaking a treaty which they had just
made, fell upon the settlements. The war lasted until
1713, and though no towns were completely destroyed,
Maine suffered severely. The Indians, however, lost
over a third of their number by the sword and by dis-
ease, and, says Williamson, "their strength and import-
ance was broken, never to be repaired." By the treaty
concluded between France and England at Utrecht, Nova
Scotia or Acadia was ceded to England, thus depriving
the French of a vantage ground for attack, and, accord-
ing to the English interpretation of the treaty, annull-
ing the claim of the French to the territory between the
St. Croix and the Kennebec. The French, however, denied
that they had surrendered this district. They also kept
possession of the island of Cape Breton and somewhat
later they erected there a strong fortress built in the
most scientific manner, to which and to the town that
grew up around it, was given the name of Louisbourg.
Shortly after the treaty, Massachusetts annexed the
country between the Kennebec and the St. Croix to the
county of Yorkshire. During the next twenty years,
attempts were made by various persons in England to
erect the old Sagadahoc territory into a separate colony
but Massachusetts succeeded in maintaining her rights.
Massachusetts was obliged to defend her eastern terri-
tory not only against lawyers and politicians, but against
Indian raids and French intrigues. As England and France
were at peace, the Governor of Canada did not think it
advisable to aid the Indians directly, but he earnestly
endeavored to keep them loyal to France. His chief agents
were the Jesuit missionaries, of whom the best known was
Father Sebastian Rale."
Footnote. Parkman says of Phipps that "New England writers
describe him as hones in private dealings; but he seems to
have thought that anything is fair in war."
p.20 A HISTORY OF MAINE.
Rale left France in 1689 to undertake the hard and often dis-
gusting labors of a missionary to the North American Indians.
He spent some time among the Indians near Quebec, served for
two years as a missionary to the Illinois, was then recalled
to Quebec and sent to the village of Narantsook (Norridge-
wock) where he remained until his death, thirty years later.
Rale was well educated, a good classical scholar and what
was more important for his work, a resolute, self-sacrific-
ing man, devoted to his flock and anxious for their spirit-
ual welfare.
He had, howeveer, certain defects. His letters show self-
sufficiency, pride in his success and readiness to believe
the stories told by the Indians, although he knew that they
were liars. He interested himself in the temporal as well as
the spiritual welfare of the tribe, and some of the means
which he took to defend them from what he regarded as in-
justice and robbery could not fail to draw upon him the
hatred of the English. He not only denied the validity of
treaties by which the Indians had sold their lands, but he
even asserted that the land could not be sold at all be-
cause the tribesmen were only trustees for their children."
He wrote letters to the English, assuming the position of
champion and protector of the Indians, and advised the
latter not to pay for cattle they had killed east of a
line which they claimed as their boundary. He incited them
to prevent the spread of English settlements, threatened
with excommunication any one who should visit England, and
brought Indians from the Penobscot, the Piscataqua and even
from Canada to attend a conference with the English and
strengthen the party opposed to a treaty. He told the Indians
that he would assist them in a just war, accompanied an expedi-
tion which attacked an English fort, and showed himself among
the assailents to irritate those within.
In his defense it has been urged that there was an uncert-
ainty as to what was ceded to England by the Treaty of Utrecht
and that Rale, a Frenchman, was warranted in assuing that the
interpretation given by the government of France was the corr-
ect one.
His conduct caused both anger and alarm in Massachusetts and
after considerable hesitation an expedition was sent to Norridge-
wock to seize him. It failed but so narrow was Rale's escape
that he attributed it to an intervention of Providence. Rale
saved the vessels of the church but his strong box containing
important letters from the Governor of Canada and a diction-
ary of the Abenaki language prepared by him, fell into the
hands of the English.
In August, 1724, war having broke out with the Indians, an-
other expedition was sent against Norridgewock. The village
was found entirely unprepared. The inhabitants fled after a
slight resistance, some twenty-eight
Footnotes. "There was some justification for these claims in
"Indian law." The box is now in the possession of the Maine
Historical Society; the dictionary is in the library of Harvard
Univeristy; copies of the letters are in the Record Office in
Longon, but the originals have been lost.
COLONIAL MAINE.
RALE IS KILLED.
p.21 of them were killed, and Rale with them. The assailants lost
but one man, a Mohawk Indiand.
The manner of Rale's death is uncertain. According to the
Indian account, he rushed out at the first alarm, exposing
himself to the English in the hope of drawing their atten-
tion from the Indians, and was shot down. The English said
that Rale was killed while desperately defending a cabin
and that he refused quarter, saying that he would neither
take nor give it. Perhaps the judgment of Shea, an eminent
Catholic authority, may be regarded as the most probable.
He considers the whole English account untrustworthy except
(a very important exception) that Rale was killed in a cabin
from which a vigorous defense was being made."
The chapel at Norridgewock was burned, Rale's body is said to
have been horribly mutilated and his scalp was borne in triumph
to Boston. The sack of Norridgewock, the death of Rale and other
disasters which the Indians met with completely discouraged them
and in 1725 a treaty of peace was signed.
William Vaughan.
In 1844 war again broke out between France and England. The
principal success of which England could boast was won for her
by a Massachusetts army aided by contingents from Connecticut
and New Hampshire, and by an English fleet. A large part of
the glory of the achievement belongs to Maine. It is to Gov-
ernor Shirley of Massachusetts that the chief credit is due
for inducing the Legislature to undertake the enterprise, but
it is claimed that it was suggested to him by William Vaughan,
the owner of a fishing and trading station at Matinicus and
lumber mills at Damariscotta, Maine.
WILLIAM PEPPERELL OF KITTERY, MAINE.
The little Massachusetts squadron that co-operated with the
English fleet was commanded by Edward Tyng of Falmouth (now
Portland, Maine). William Pepperell was the son of a Welshman
who emigrated to Kittery when a young man, and had acquired a
fortune by means of commerce, shipbuilding and the fisheries.
William Pepperell inherited most of this property and greatly
increased it by his ability and industry, and passed, for many
years as the chief merchant and landowner in New England. He
dealt in ships, lumber, naval stores, fish and miscellaneous
goods brought from England. He also prospered greatly by succ-
essful land purchases, becoming the owner of the lart part of
the towns of Saco (then a part of Biddeford) and of Scarborough.
INSERT.
The Pepperells were from Wales, England
THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM PEPPERELL.
The elder Pepperell ever retained a strong attachment to England, and seemed to anti-
cipate the pleasure of returning to it, after he should have acquired an independent
fortune. But the machinery necessary for doing this, when once in motion, was too ex-
tensive and complex to permit his removal or even temporary absence, without great
sacrifice - it required his contstant superintendance. It appears, however, that in
early life he made one voyage to Rotterdam. At the age of sixty, he wrote to his
friend, a Mr. Roe, a merchant at Ravistock, Wales, to purchase an estate near him
in Wales. One was named to him soon after, but reverses of fortune by shipwrecks,
and the capture of many of his fishing vessels, had intervened, and drew from him
the reply -
"You wrote to me that the Colson estate was for sale, but I have met
with many losses of late, that the sum asked, is more than I can raise, but if I
could purchase one estate worth four thousand pounds, I would soon pay for it. The
times have been such that I have lost more than three thousand pounds. If it be
possible, I hope to come and see you once more before I die. I pray you,
p.15 THE EARLY YEARS.
remember my love to all my friends in general, wishing you all happiness."
He wrote again, some years after, and repeats his desire to purchase an estate in
Wales, intending it rather for his son William Pepperell and daughter, Dorothy, than
for his own occupancy. Mr. Roe writes to him from Wales, in 1723,
Estate at Dugburrow Parish, Wales.
"I am very glad to hear your son William (Pepperell) and your daughter, Dorothy, have
a mind to settle in our country (Wales), but I cannot think of an estate near the
seaside at present; but if you have a mind to one seven or eight miles from me, in
Dugburrow Parish, worth fifty to sixty pounds a year, you can have it."
It does not appear, however, that either of the Pepperells, excepting Captain Andrew
Pepperell, ever visited England, until 1747, when Sir William Pepperell entered London,
England and was, by both the King and the people, greeted as the hero of Louisbourg.
Colonel Pepperell, as before observed, reared a family of two sons and six daughters.
Grave historians mention only one son - Sir William Pepperell, and two daughters, who
married the Honorable John Frost, and the Honorabe John Newmarch.
Insert - Prescott/Newmarch.
Source: The Prescott Memorial
p.52
The issue of Reverend Benjamin Prescott and his second wife, Mercy Gibbs:
1. Henry Prescott b. July 19, 1735; died January 19, 1736.
2. Henry Prescott (again) b. July 25, 1737; m. October 9, 1760, Mary Newmarch
a daughter of Joseph Newmarch of New Castle, New Hampshire. She was a woman of
great courage and firmness, mingled with vivacity, cheerfulness and wit. It is
related of her that when advised to leave New Castle on account of the expected
invation by the British troops, in 1776, that she declared she would not leave
"until she could see the whites of the enemy's eyes" She afterwards concluded
that "diiscretion was the better part of valor," and removed to Kittery, Maine,
where her youngest son, the late Honorable George W. Prescott was born on Jan.
8, 1776. She died in 1822 aged 90 years. He died September 10, 1816 aged 79 yrs.
He was a merchant.
Issue of Henry Prescott (104-7) and Mary Newmarch of Newcastle, New Hampshire
273. 1. Mercy Gibbs Prescott (533) b. Feb 26, 1762; m. Feb 18, 1774, her cousin,
Benjamin Frost and settled at New Castle where she died 1818 aged 56 yrs.
274. 2. Joseph Newmarch Prescott b. Mar 24, 1763; d. Dec 7, 1766.
275. 3. Dorothy Prescott b. May 4th, bapt. May 6, 1764; died Dec 7, 1766.
276. 4. Benjamin Prescott (541) b. Feb. 20. 1766; m. (1) 1792, Abigail Long. She died
within six months at St. Bartholomew, one of the West India islands. He m.
(2) 1795, Hannah, the dau. of Jacob Sheafe, Esq. of Portsmouth, N.H. born
Oct. 16, 1775. He died at Martha's Vineyard, Mass. in the latter part of
August, 1798, on his way home from Hispaniola, in his 33d year, leaving two
daughters.
277. 5. Henry Prescott a twin, b. July 23, 1767; died the same day.
278. 6. Mary Prescott, twin to Henry (above) born & baptized July 23, 1767; died in
three days.
279. 7. Henry Prescott (543) b. July 17, 1768; m. (1) Abigail Shannon. She died.
He m. (2) _____ Newmarch. He was a Captain and commanded a merchant vessel.
He died 1846, aged 78 years.
WILLIAM PEPPERELL PRESCOTT.
280 8. William Pepperell Prescott, b. Oct. 19, bapt. Oct. 22, 1769; m. 1803, or
1804, Harriet, a dau. of Peter F. C. De Lesdernier of Boston, Mass. Her
grandparents were from Geneva and came to Nova Scotia and joined the neutral
French. She was born at Nova Scotia, May 2, 1775
p.71 He was, at first, for many years, a successful merchant. He was also a sea-
Captain. Being on an outward voyage a supercargo, he used the opportunity
to study navigation, and he returned home as Commander of the same vessel,
of which he was part owner. He became extensively and successfully engaged
in navigation until the war of 1812 with Great Britain, when his business
was cut off, his prospects blighted, and his fortune 'shipwrecked'. Later
in life he was again a merchant. It is said of him that he was an intelli-
gent, enterprising, business man, maintaining throughout, a stainless re-
putation for uprightness and integrity and all the virutes that adorn a
true gentleman. He died May 30, 1831, aged 61 years, 7 mos. and 11 days.
She died at the residence of her son-in-law, G. L. Montague, Esq., of
Boston, Mass., Dec. 29, 1864, aged 89 yrs., 7 mos. and 27 days.
281. 9. Andrew Watkins Prescott b. May 26; bap. June 2, 1771; died Feb. 11, 1773.
282. 10. George Washington Prescott (556) b. at Kittery, Maine, Jan. 8, & baptized,
Jan. 14, 1776. He m. Aug 15, 1804 Mary Grafton, born at Salem, Mass. Feb.
10, 1784. He grad. at Dartmouth College, 1795; read law with the Honorable
William Prescott of Boston - the father of William Hickling Prescott, the
Historian. He enlisted in the United States Army and was Captain of a com-
pany under General Harrison, and was in the celebrated and disastrous battle
of Tippecanou in 1811. Upon retiring from the army he resumed his profession
of law and for three years previous to his death, he was Clerk of the United
States District Court for the District of New Hampshire. He delivered at
sundry times, patriotic orations on the 4th of July. Judge Story and Daniel
Webster were among his firm friends and associates. On leaving college, he
was, for a time, the tutor to the children of Tobias Lear, the private
secretary to General George Washington. He was suddenly cut off, in the
midst of his usefulness, on the 17th of March, 1817, aged 41 years, 2 mos.
and 9 days. His wife, Mary, died Sept 14, 1825, aged 41 years, 7 mos. and
4 days.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM PEPPERELL.
continued.
it is almost forgotten, even by some in whose veins the Pepperell blood
circulates. The parish records show that he had the following children,
all of whom grew to maturity, and were married. Namely, Andrew, Mary,
Margery, Joanna, Miriam, William Pepperell, - Sir William Pepperell the
Baronet - Dorothy and Jane.
1. Andrew Pepperell was born July 1, 1681; was employed as a
clerk in his father's store; joined him as partner under the
firm of William Pepperell & Son; was a captain of a supercargo
and a merchant-man; resided at Newcastle and was an agent for
mercantile houses abroad. He married Jane Elliot, a dau. of
Robert Elliot, Esq. in 1707 had:
1. Sarah Pepperell who married Charles Frost.
2. Margery Pepperell who married William Wentworth.
Andrew Pepperell died about 1713, was buried at Newcastle. His
widow, Jane, m. (2) Charles Frost of Kittery, Maine.
MARY PEPPERELL B. 1685, married the Reverend Benjamin Prescott.
2. Mary Pepperell b. Sept 5, 1685; married the Honorable John
Frost and had sixteen children, eleven of whom reached maturity.
He died and she m. (2) Rev. Benjamin Colman, D.D, who died and she
m. (3) the Reverend Benjamin Prescott of Danvers, Mass. She died
1766, aged eighty years.
PELATIAH WHITEMORE/ELIHU GUNNISON.
3. Margery Pepperell b. 1689; m. Pelatiah Whitemore and had four
children. He was lost near the Isle of Shoals. She m. (2) Elihu
Gunnison, Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, who resided at
Kittery Point, Maine
4. Joanna Pepperell b. June 2, 1692, m. Dr. George Jackson and had
six daughters (not listed) and she died 1725.
5. Miriam Pepperell b. Sept. 3, 1694, m. Andrew Tyler, a merchant
in Boston, Mass. and had two sons and three daughters.
p.17 THE LIFE OF SIR WILLIAM PEPPERELL.
6. William Pepperell - Sir William Pepperell, the Baronet - the
subject of this Memoir
7. Dorothy Pepperell, b. July 23, 1698, m. Andrew Watkins who
commanded one of Pepperell's vessels. They had two sons, Andrew
Watkins and John Watkins. Her 2nd husband was the Honorable Joseph
Newmarch.
8. Jane Pepperell b. 1701; m. Benjamin Clark of Kingston, N.H. and
after his death in 1729, she m. (2) William Tyler, a brother of
Andrew Tyler of Boston, Mass. She had two children by Benjamin Clark:
1. William clark
2. Benjamin Clark, Jr.
The elder Pepperell lived to see his son William Pepperell advanced to the
highest stations, in the gift of the Provincial Government and of the people.
As he approached age of fourscore - the infirmities of age weighed heavily
upon him and finally terminated his useful and exemplary life - he died Feb.
15, 1733/4. His widow died April 24, 1741.
In his Will he left his daughters five hundred pounds each, in addition to
their marriage portions - and occasional advancements, and one half of the
household furniture, on the decease of their mother. To his son William
Pepperell (later Baronet) he left the residue of his estate. To the church
at Kittery Point, Maine, he left sixty pounds to buy a service of silver
plate for the communion table; sixty pounds to the parish to buy corn for
the poor and fifty pounds in money. He left also, thirty pounds to his
nieces at Ravestock, Wales, and five pounds to the poor of the church there;
to his servant (a mulatto) he gave him his freedom; to Colonels Wheelwright
and Gerrish, five pounds each and to Rev. John Newmarch, ten pounds.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
p.22 HISTORY OF MAINE
continued.
Parkman lays great stress on the impossibility of finding a
suitable commander for the siege of such a place as Louis-
bourg. He says, "The province had been at peace for twenty
years, and except some grizzled Indian fighters of the last
war, and a few survivors of the Carthagena expedition, no-
one had seen service. Few knew well what a fortress was, and
no one knew how to attack one. Courage, energy, good sense and
popularity were the best quaulities to be hoped for in a lead-
er. Popularity was indispensable, for all the soldiers were to
be volunteers, and they would enlist only under a commander
whom they liked." Parkman admits, indeed, that "Shirley's
choice of a commander-in-chief, was, perhaps, the best he could
have made, as Pepperell joined unusual popularity with military
competence as anybody else who could be had." Parkman, however,
seems to consider him as lacking military instincts as well as
military training. He says, "The painter Smibert has left us a
portrait of Pepperell - a good face, not without dignity, though
with no suggestion of the soldier." The description is not in-
accurate, but Pepperell's letters show more of the soldier's
spirit than does his face. In October, 1743, Governor Shirley
had informed Colonel Pepperell of the danger of a war with
France, and had bidden him to send the news to places that
would be in danger of attack. Pepperell forwarded a copy of
the Governor's letter to all the captains in his command, and
added:
Captain Butler.
"I hope that He who gave us breath will give us the courage and
prudence to behave ourselves like true-born Englishmen." When
the men were enlisting for the Louisbourg expedition, Pepperell
wrote to a friend in Berwick, Maine, "Yesterday I heard that
Captain Butler has enlisted in Berwick, his fifty brave soldiers.
This news is like a cordial to me. Last night I received a
letter from the War Committee, saying they thought there was
(upon our completing five or six companies of our brave county
of York men) the full number proposed to be enlisted and more,
so that there will be a number cleared off, but you may be
assured that our brave men of York County shall not be cleared
off, unless they desire it."
The position of second-in-command, with the rank of Major-Gen-
eral, was intended for Samuel Waldo. Though a resident of
Boston, he was a large owner of Maine lands and was Colonel of
a regiment of Miane militia. Massachusetts, however, had
appealed to other colonies for aid, and both New Hampshire and
Connecticut sent troops.
Connecticut offered five hundred men on condition that their
commander should hold the second place with rank of brigadier.
Vaughan accompanied the expedition as a volunteer without
command. He was, however, given the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel,
and was made a member of Pepperell's Council. A naval escort
Footnote. Massachusetts had contributed a small contingent
to the army which accompanied Admiral Vernon in his unsucess-
full attack on Carthagena in 1741. The militia had some time
previously been divided into two regiments - Pepperell being
Colonel of the western - and Waldo of the eastern.
p.23 HISTORY OF MAINE.
Edward Tyng of Falmouth.
was necessary, and a fleet of thirteen armed vessels was
collected. Shirley chose as its commander, a Maine man, Ed-
ward Tyng of Falmouth. He had distinquished himself the pre-
ceding year by capturing a French privateer of superior force,
and in acknowledgment of his "good service done the trade"
several Boston merchants presented him with "an elegent silver
cup suitably engraved, of the weight of "one hundred ounces."
But if, while the siege was in progress one or two men-of-war
should attack Tyng, it was probable that his whole force would
be destroyed and that the troops on shore, with their line of
supply and retreat cut, would be obliged to surrender or starve.
COMMODORE WARREN.
Fortunately Shirley was able to induce Commodore Warren, who
commanded a small squadron in the West Indies, to join the ex-
pedition.
The bulk of the troops arrived off Louisbourg the 30th of April,
and thanks to the skillful management of Pepperell, a landing
was effected with trivial loss. On the next day a panic of the
French officers and the readiness and daring of Vaughan put the
Great Battery at the entrance to the harbor, into Pepperell's
hands. The enemy had made a hurried attempt to disable the cannon
but with only partial success. They were soon made fit for serv-
ice and many of them were turned against the fortress, General
Waldo firing their first gun. It was necessary, however, to drag
them over more than two miles of swampy land, to bring them with-
in bombarding range of Louisbourg. The New Englanders worked
with great zeal and courage but with small regard for the techni-
que of siege warfare, and had the enemy been more energetic they
might have paid dearly for their rashness. They knew little of
the management of artillery, and Warren sent some gunners from
the fleet to instruct them. They also were careless about load-
ing, and the better to breach the enemy's works they persisted
in double shotting the guns. The results were serioud. Some of
the most valuable pieces, including the largest mortar, were
broken or disabled.
Officers who were scarcely less valuable than the guns them-
selves, were also rendered hors du combat by this lack of skill
or care. On May 17, Waldo wrote to Pepperell: "Captain Hale
of my regiment is dangerously hurt by the bursting of another
gun. He was our mainstay for gunnery since Captain Rhodes' mis-
fortune." Captain Rhodes had also been disabled by the burst-
ing of a cannon. But notwithstanding these accidents the bomb-
bardment was very effective. An attempt to storm an island
battery proved a costly failure, but this was more than com-
pensated by the capture of a French 64 which was bringing stores
for the garrison.
Pepperell and Warren were about to venture a general assault,
when, on June 15, the French commander, Duchambon, offered to
surrender. The success of an attack was doubtful, a relieving
squadron might appear at any time, liberal terms were there-
fore granted and Louisbourg opened its gates.
It was a remarkable achievement. The sarcastic Dr. Dougles,
then
p.24 HISTORY OF MAINE.
living at Boston, says that "the exedition had a lawyer for
contriver, a merchant for its general, and farmers, fishermen and
mechanics for soldiers." Much of the success was due to William
Pepperell, who kept his undisciplined troops in reasonable order
and maintained a good understanding with his officers and what
was more difficult, with Commodore Warren. Warren co-operated
loyally in the siege, but he was anxious lest a French fleet
should arrive to relieve the place, and in urging the necessity
of vigorous action, sometimes forgot both justice and courtesy.
William Pepperell behaved with moderation and dignity, and
happily there was no permanent ill-feeling between the land
and sea commanders, who remained friends for life.
The news of the victory was received with rejoicing in London,
their Tower guns were fired, Warren was made an admiral and
Pepperell a baronet. (knighted). The grant of a baronetcy was
the first instance of such an honor being conferred on a
native of England of what is now the United States. Priority
has been claimed for Sir William Phipps, but he was merely
knighted. The King ordered two regular regiments to be en-
listed in America, and appointed Pepperell and Shirley as
their colonels. Vaughan, who had done so much toward making
the expedition a success, was passed over. He went to London
hoping to obtain some recognition, but he died there without
securing it."
In 1748 peace was made between England and France at Aix-la-
Chapelle, and a mutual restitution of conquests was agreed on.
Louisbourg was therefore surrendered to the French. The New
Englanders were extremely angry at what they regarded as an un-
justifiable sacrifice of their interests,* but Great Britain
had lost Madras and had been beaten in the Netherlands, and
was fully warranted in making peace on the terms she did.
The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was scarcely more than a
truce, and war between France and England was again formally
declared in 1756. Fighting had begun in America in 1754 and
what should certainly be styled war in 1755.
Maine suffered during the war, from Indian raids, ambushes and
murders, but more serious invasions were feared and several
new forts were built to protect the settlements. It had been
reported that the French were planning to erect a fort on the
Kennebec or at one of the carrying places between it and the
Chaudiere, a tributary of the St. Lawrence. To meet the suppos-
ed danger a timber fort one hundred feet long and forty feet
broad was erected on the site of the present Winslow and was
named Fort Halifax in honor of the President of the Board of
Trade, the Earl of Halifax, sometimes called on account of his
services to American commerce, the "Faather of the Colonies."
Footnotes. Parkman, "The Capture of Louisbourg by the New
England Militia," Atlantic Monthly for March, April, and May,
1891. A similar situation would have arisen in South Africa
if Great Britain had been obliged to restore the German colon-
ies.
p.25 COLONIAL MAINE.
FORT HALIFAX.
The owners of the Plymouth Patent, or the Kennebec Purchase,
as it was called, erected two forts at their own expense. One,
called Fort Western, was situated at the head of sloop navi-
gation on the Kennebec, where Augusta, Maine, now stands. It
was about the size of Fort Halifax, and was intended mainly as
a depository of provisions and munitions for its garrison.
FORT SHIRLEY.
The other, named Fort Shirley, was on the site of the present
town of Dresden. It was merely a stockade two hundred feet
square, containing two block-houses.
FORT POWNAL.
But most important of all was Fort Pownal, built on what is
still known as Fort Point, in the present town of Prospect.
Governor Pownal himself led an expedition to the Penobscot
and ascended the river until the vessels could go no further.
In his journal he says:
"P.M. Landed on the east side of the river with 136 men, and
proceeded to the head of the first falls, about four miles and
a quarter from the first ledge. Clear land on the left for
nearly four miles. Brigadier Waldo, whose unremitted zeal for
the service had prompted him at the age of 63, to attend me on
the expedition, dropped down just above the Falls of an apoplexy,
and notwithstanding all the assistance that could be given him,
expired in a few moments.
"At the head of the Falls - buried a leaden plate with the
following inscription:
"May 23, 1759 - Province Massachusetts Bay.
"Dominions of Great Britain - Possession con-
firmed by T. Pownal, Governor."
General Waldo's remains were brought down to the site chosen
for the fort and were buried with military honors, a religious
service, and a sermon by the Reverend Mr. Philipps, "the first
sermon ever preached within the limits of Waldo County." The
body was later taken to Boston and interred in the graveyard
of King's Chapel.
The fort, when completed, was the most elaborate and expensive
in the province. It was ninety feet square, surrounded by a
ditch and a palisade, and had in the center, a block-house
mounting cannon.
There was no battle on Maine soil during the French and Indian
war, but troops from Maine took some part in the fighting by-
yond her borders.
THE DEATH OF SIR WILLIAM PEPPERELL.
In 1756, William Pepperell's regiment was captured by Montcalm
at Oswego. Pepperell, himself, however, was not present. He
had been made a Major-General in the Royal Army, and, as was
customary, while keeping his regiment, left the actual command
to the lieutenant-colonel. In the following year the capture
of Fort William Henry threw Massachusetts into a panic, and
Pepperell was sent for to organize the defense. In February,
1759, he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General in the
British army, but did not long enjoy his new honor, dying at
his home in Kittery, Maine on July 6th less than two months
after his companion in arms, General Waldo.
Footnote. The regiment given him in the preceding war had been
disbanded but another had been raised for him, when war again
broke out.
p.26 HISTORY OF MAINE.
But if Pepperell had not the happiness of seeing the conquest
of Canada, he lived to know that the flag of England once more
waved over Louisbourg. In 1758 the fortress was captured by a
British fleet and army. In September, 1759, Quebec was taken;
in the following year Montreal and all of Canada surrendered;
and in 1763, the Peace of Paris transferred the whole province
to England.
THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR INDEPENDENCE, ABOUT TO BEGIN.
An epoch was now completed. Essentially, if not legally, the
colonial period was over. The struggle for independence was
about to begin.
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