CHAPTER II.
MAINE IN THE REVOLUTION.
p.27 When England attempted to compel the colonies to pay taxes
laid by Parliament, Maine took an early and active part in the
resistance which the new policy at once called forth. Falmouth,
the principal town of the Province, joined in non-importation
agreements. In that of 1767, Boston took the lead and a Fal-
mouth town-meeting formally thanked her people for "their
seasonable and very laudable attention to, and concern for,
the happiness and welfare of this province as well as of the
whole continent."
When the port of Boston was closed by act of Parliament,
Maine was prompt both with her sympathy and with contribut-
ions for relief. On the day the Boston Port Bill took effect,
the bell of the Falmouth first parish was muffled and tolled
from sunrise until nine o'clock in the evening. In January,
1775, Falmouth sent to the suffering town fifty-two cords of
wood and in March of the same year, a second lot of thirty-
one cords of wood. Cape Elizabeth sent forty-four cords. The
other towns in Maine which contributed cash and supplies were:
York, North Yarmouth, Kittery, Berwick, Biddeford, Scarborough,
Wells and Gorhamtown.
Maine's zeal for liberty was manifested in less peaceful ways.
Stamped clearances were taken from the Custom House by a great
crowd and publicly burned, goods seized under the revenue act
were carried off by a body of masked men, at night, and the
comptroller was mobbed to compel him to state who had informed
against a vessel seized for smuggling. Two persons were con-
victed of riot, probably on account of the latter affair, and
sentenced to jail, but some thirty men, armed with clubs, axes
and other weapons, stormed the building and rescued them.
When the Province Charter was changed by Parliament after the
Boston Tea Party, a county convention and a mass convention at
Falmouth compelled Sheriff Tyng to make a public statement that
he had not acted or endeavored to act under the new law, and
that he would not do so unless by the general consent of the
County.
In the latter part of 1774, war was clearly at hand and the
people made ready. There was much disorder, arms were secured
and Minutemen organized, Tories were carefully watched and were
often subjected to insults and harsh treatment.
THE BATTLE OF LEXINGTON.
MAINE IN THE REVOLUTION.
"The battle of Lexington was fought on the morning of April
19th, 1775 - the news reached York, Maine that evening, and
Captain Johnson Moulton collected his company of over sixty
men from that old town, and marched on the morning of the
next day toward Boston, making fifteen miles and crossing
the ferry over Piscataqua river before night. This was the
first company that marched from the Province of Maine in the
war of the Revolution.
"The first information of the battles of Lexington and Concord
reached
p.30 HISTORY OF MAINE.
MAINE IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
CAPTAIN JOHN BRACKETT'S COMPANY.
CAPTAIN HART WILLIAMS' COMPANIES.
WENTWORTH STUART'S COMPANIES.
ABRAHAM TYLER'S COMPANIES.
APRIL 21st.
Falmouth Neck before daylight of April 21, and created much
consternation and alarm. That day, Captain John Brackett's
company marched toward Boston, followed by companies under
command of Captain Hart Williams, Wentworth Stuart, Abraham
Tyler*, and probably others from Cumberland County. These
were the militia then organized for any immediate service.
They proceeded as far as Wells, about thirty miles, when
they were ordered to return home to guard the seacoast."
THE BRITISH SLOOP OF WAR, CANCEAUX.
Captain Mowatt, Commander.
LOYALIST, CAPT. THOMAS COULSON
The people of Falmouth had special reason for apprehension,
since a British sloop-of-war, the Canceaux, Lieut. (commonly
called Captain) Mowatt, commander, was lying in the harbor
for the express purpose of protecting one of the loyalists,
Captain Thomas Coulson, in fitting out a new ship, the rigging
having been brought from England, contrary to the non-importa-
tion agreement. Mowatt was no stranger to Maine. In 1759, he
had accompanied Governor Pownall on his expedition up the Penob-
scot, and from 1764 to 1774, he had been employed in the survey
of the coast of North America. In 1774 he was stationed in
Boston to enforce the closing of the harbor. Mowatt was now
in his 42nd year. Naturally of a quick temper and stern in
executing the orders of his superiors, he was also capable
of showing much kindness and consideration.
IMPRESSED SEAMEN.
Under the pretection of the Canceaux, Coulson began to
transfer the rigging to his new ship. But no Falmouth man
would help him in the work, and it seemed that Coulson's
scheme must fail unless Mowatt should lend him a part of
his crew. Mowatt was said to have impressed seamen, and
it was suspected that they were wanted not for the Canceaux
but for Coulson's ship. There was great excitement, and in
the midst of it came the news of Lexington.
Troops were raised at once, but no injury or insult was
offered to the Canceaux. The merchants feared a bombardment
of the town and the destruction of their property; moreover,
there was a scarcity of provisions, vessels with supplies
were expected a little later, and should the British block-
ade the town, great suffering must result. Therefore, far
from attacking Mowatt, the committee of correspondence ex-
erted itself to prevent others from doing so. Nevertheless,
General Samuel Thompson of Brunswick, a very energetic Whig,
quietly brought a body of armed men to Falmouth Neck and
seized Mowatt, who was unsuspectingly taking a walk. The
town was thrown into wild excitement. Some Tories declared
that the Falmouth militia ought to rescue the prisoners.
At last Thompson consented to allow Mowatt to go to the ship
for the night, on promising to return the next morning. He,
however, broke his word, alleging that several men had threat-
ened to shoot him. Thompson had been reinforced by several
militia companies of the neighborhood, but there seemed to
be no way of getting at the Canceaux, and the leading men
of Falmouth finally induced their unwelcome guests to retirn
home.
Footnotes. Coold, "Col. Edmund Phinney's 31st Regiment of
Foot," Collection - Maine Historical Society, II: VII, 86-87.
See Colonel Brewer's letter in Appendix II:10 of Wheeler's
"Castine."
THE REVOLUTION.
p.31 Two boats, one of which at least belonged to the Canceaux,
had been seized and hauled overland to Back Cove. Saturday,
Mowatt wrote to the town demanding the return of the boats,
and the expulsion of the "cowardly mob from the country."
On Monday an answer was given that "the town disapproved of
the proceedings of the armed body, but...were unable to re-
sist them." Apparently Mowatt was satisfied with this state-
ment, for he sailed away, accompanied by Coulson and the new
ship that had caused so much trouble.
The reply of the town was more prudent than patriotic, but
it was strictly true. The whole affair was extremely disa-
greeable to the leading Whigs. They were men of means and
position, they were anxious for their property, and were in-
clined to look down on "the mob."
A member of the Committee of Safety, probably the chairman,
General Preble, wrote on May 11, "Good God! Give us a regular
government or we are undone," and two days later, "God grant
that order may come out of confusion, and that Congress would
give such directions in all parts of the province that no such
tumultuous assemblies may be seen, heard or felt again."
On June 7, a small man-of-war, the Senegal, arrived in the
harbor, and five days later came Coulson in his new ship to
get a number of masts belonging to him, but they were floated
out of his reach. A boat he sent for them was seized, but her
crew was released after a short detention, and the Senegal
withdrew without injuring the town. Though no further effort
was made to obtain the masts, the treatment of Coulson and
Mowatt in Falmouth was not forgotten, and of this, the town
was to have bitter proof.
On October 16th, the Canceaus, accompanied by several other
vessels, appeared at the entrance of the harbor. The people
supposed that they had come to obtain provisions from the
islands in Casco Bay. There were two companies of militia
stationed at Falmouth, and the greater part of one company
and a portion of the other were sent to guard the islands.
The next day Mowatt anchored his fleet opposite the most
thickly settled part of the town, and in the afternoon sent
an officer on shore with a letter that Reverend Mr. Deane
described as "full of bad English and worse spelling," in
which he stated that he was ordered to inflict "a just pun-
ishment" on Falmouth for her ingratitude and rebellion, and
gave the inhabitants two hours to remove the "human specie"
from the town. A committee was sent to beg for better terms
but could only obtain a respite until eight the next morn-
ing and a promise from Mowatt that if the people would
surrender their arms he would await further orders from
Admiral Graves at Boston, who he had no doubt would direct
him to spare the place.
The next morning the people of Falmouth courageously refused
the terms and Mowatt bombarded the town almost continuously
from nine in the morning until six in the evening. A detach-
ment of marines accompanied
p.32 HISTORY OF MAINE.
REUBEN CLOUGH SEVERELY INJURED.
the squadron and furnished landing parties, who set fire to
numerous buildings. No lives were lost on either side and but
one man was severely injured, a citizen of Falmouth, Reuben
Clough, by name.
One hundred and thirty-six dwelling houses were destroyed,
also the courthouse, townhouse, customhouse and the Episcopal
Church. The Selectmen stated that "as near as we can judge,
about three-quarters of the building, reckoning according to
their value - are consumed." The people were too alarmed and
confused to offer any real resistance, though a small force
well handled might have driven off the landing parties and
prevented much of the mischief. The citizens of Falmouth were
afterward blamed for not throwing up a breastwork in the night,
but they were very anxious to save their property; there was
not enough ammunition in the town to answer the ship's bomb-
ardment for even an hour, and, most important of all, there
was no leadership. A few weeks later Reverend Mr. Deane
wrote to a friend in the Massachusetts Congress:
REV. MR. DEAN'S LETTER - TO A MASSACHUSETTS CONGRESMAN.
"About two-thirds of the buildings, in general the best
buildings, have been laid in ashes by Mowatt. He could not
have done this if sixty men, in the province pay stationed
here, had been properly commanded."
"The company is by your Honorable Court put under the
direction of a Committee. The Committee were so employed in
getting our their families and effects, that they did not
assemble to give ordres. Individuals of the Committee gave
contrary directions to the Captain, so that all the opposi-
tion to the landing of men with torches during the cannon-
ade was by volunteers without any leaders or direction."
MACHIAS VILLAGE.
The village of Machias had been threatened with a fate like
that of Falmouth, but escaped it and won much honor in doing
so, thanks to the courage and energy of some of her citizens
and of those of the adjoining plantations.
CAPTAIN ICHABOD JONES.
Captain Ichabod Jones, who became a leading citizen of the
little settlement, then only twelve years old, had been
allowed by Admiral Graves to bring a shipload of provisions
from Boston, in his vessel, the Unity, on condition that he
return with lumber which was much needed by the British army
for the construction of barracks. To ensure the arrangement
being carried out, he was accompanied by a small armed tender,
the Margaretta, commanded by midshipman called Captain Moore.
The town, being in great need of provisions and under the guns
of the tender, agreed to the terms, but Captain Jones refused
to sell provisions to those who had voted against allowing him
to carry off the lumber. Angered at his conduct, some of the
leading patriots sent to the neighboring settlements for help,
and after an unsuccessful attempt to capture Jones and Moore,
while attending church, attacked the tender. There was some
shooting without injury on either side, and the next morning
the Margarettas made off. What followed is thus described in
a letter written two days later, to the Massachusetts Congress,
by the Machias Committee of Correspondence:
p.33 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
CAPT. JEREMIAH O'BRIEND AND CAPT. BENJAMIN FOSTER.
"About forty men, armed with guns, swords, axes & pitch forks
went in Captain Jones's sloop, under the command of Captain
Jeremiah O'Brien; about twenty, armed in the same manner, and
under the command of Captain Benjamin Foster, went in a small
schooner. During the chase, our people built themselves breast-
works of pine boards, and anything they could find in the
vessells, that would screen them from the enemy's fire. The
Tender, upon the first appearance of our people, cut their
boats from the stern, and made all sail that they could - but
being very dull sailors, they soon came up with her, and a
most obstinate engagement ensued, both sides being determined
to conquer or die; but the Tender was obliged to yield, her
Captain was wounded in his breast with two balls, of which
wounds he died the next morning; poor Mr. Avery* was killed,
and one of the marines, and five were wounded. Only one of
our men was killed and six wounded, one of which is since
dead of his wounds."
Tradition, and the recollections of survivors, some of which
were given twenty-five and others over forty years later,
make many additions to the story. One is that only O'Brien's
vessel took part in the attack on tender, Foster's having
been grounded. Whatever the difference in details, the fact
remains that the action was highly creditable to the Ameri-
cans who, with no cannon, few muskets, and little powder,
attacked an armed vessel manned by sailors of the English
navy, well supplied with arms and ammunition.
Maine was not only an object of attack, it served as a base,
at least a highway, for an invasion of the provinces which
were made unable or unwilling to join in the revolt.
BENEDICT ARNOLD
and
MAINE VOLUNTEERS
1775.
In 1775 Benedict Arnold made his famous march through the
Maine wilderness to Quebec. One division which contained a
small company of lost courage and returned to the settle-
ments and the a Maine Captain was one of the officers who
voted to retreat. It may be said in excuse, that the situ-
atiion of the troops was most perilous, and that those who
pressed on, barely escaped starvation, but they did reach
Quebec. Professor Justin H. Smith says in his elaborate
study of Arnold's march that probably there was no need for
the whole division to return.
COLONEL EDDY.
The second attack on the British by way of Maine, was an ill-
judged and disastrous invasion of Nova Scotia by a handful of
men led by a refugee, Colonel Eddy, who hoped that the settlers
from New England living in the province would join them. A
number did so, but troops from Halifax broke up their camp and
destroyed a great part of their stores. Eddy was compelled to
fall back to the St. John, and then to abandon Nova Scotia
entirely. Many of those who joined himm were obliged to flee
from the country, leaving their families in great distress.
The expedition was a rash one, and accomplished little beyond
bringing hardship and exile to many worthy friends of America.
A second attempt under another refugee,
Footnotes: *He had been impressed to act as pilot. *Docu-
mentory History," II: XIV, 280. Maine - 3.
p.34 HISTORY OF MAINE
by Louis Clinton Hatch, Ph.d. Maine Historical Society.
Colonel John Allen also failed. The British, fearing further
attack, sent an expedition against Machias which was repulsed,
thanks to the courage of the inhabitants and a number of
friendly Indians who were in the town for a conference.
No further attack was made on Machias, but the whole country,
east of the Penobscot was subjected to harrassingn visits by
the British vessels of war. Particularly was this the case
after the occupation of Castine peninsula in 1779. Communi-
cation with Boston was almost cut off, there was often the
most serious scarcity of provisions, an illicit trade with
Nova Scotia sprang up, and many were ready to accept neutral-
ity or even to submit to the enemy.
The British also made repeated efforts to win over the St.
John and Passamaquoddy Indians, but Colonel Ethan Allan,
though greatly hampered by lack of troops, of money and of
supplies, and by the misconduct of traders, succeeded in
keeping them faithful to the Americans. He was, however,
obliged to resort to extraordinary measures. On one occasion
he forged a letter of thanks from the Massachusetts Council,
and on another, when he went to Boston to endeavor to obtain
supplies, he left two of his sons with the Indians as pledges
of his loyalty to them, and the boys remained Indian hostages
one or two years.
EXILED LOYALISTS.
The most dangerous attack on Maine during the Revolution was
the seizure by the British of the Maja Bigaduce, now Castine
peninsula. There had been a revival of the old scheme of mak=
ing a separate province of the "Sagadahoc" territory. The new
colony was to be a place of refuge for exiled Loyalists, and
was intended to serve also as a defense for Nova Scotia and
an advanced post against New England.
SIR JOHN MOORE.
The occupying force was commanded by Brigadier-General Francis
McLean, and consisted of about six hundred and fifty men, ex-
clusive of officers. One of the subalterns was John Moore,
(later Sir John Moore), famous for his work in forming many
of the best officers of the British army, for his care of the
private soldiers, and because of the poem describing his
burial.
INSERT. THE BURIAL OF JOHN MOORE.
BY CHARLES WOLFE.
Sir John Moore, led an English army against
the French in Spain, 1808-1809. His forces be-
ing much smaller than the enemy's, he withdrew
to the seacoast, the French following, and on
January 14, 1809, engaged and repulsed them at
Corunna, but was himself killed.
IN MEMORIUM.
JOHN MOORE.
Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,
As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
O'er the grave where our hero we buried.
We buried him darkly, at dead of night,
The sods with our bayonets turning;
By the struggling moonbeam's misty light,
And the lantern dimly burning.
No useless coffin enclosed his breast,
Not in sheet or in shroud we wound him,
But he lay like a warrior taking his rest,
With his martial cloak around him.
Few and short were the prayers we said,
And we spoke not a word of sorrow;
But we steadfastly gazed on the face that
was dead,
And we bitterly thought of the morrow.
We thought, as we holloed his narrow bed
And smoothed down his lonely pillow,
That the foe and the stranger would tread
o'er his head,
And we far away on the billow !
Lightly they'll talk of the spirit that's gone,
And o'er his cold ashes upbraid him;
But little he'll reck, if they let him sleep on
In the grave where a Briton had laid him.
But half of our weary task was done
When the clock struck the note for retiring;
And we heard the distant and random gun
Of the enemy sullenly firing.
Slowly and sadly we laid him down,
From the field of his fame fresh and glory;
We carved not a line, and we raised not a stone,
But we left him alone with his glory.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The British reached Bigaduce on June 17, 1779. If confid-
ence can be placed in statements made seventy-five years
later by one who was a boy of fourteen at the time,* they
landed very cautiously, peering about as if in dread of an
ambush and returned to their ships before nightfall. But no
resistance was attempted and the next day they landed again,
this
Footnotes. *Sometimes written Major Bigaduce and thought to
have been named for a French officer. Major Bigaduce, is,
however, an Indian word, and probably means bad harbor. The
name seems peculiary inappropriate for the fine bay of Castine,
but it may refer to a particular case of accident; moreover,
the wind might make the place dangerous for canoes.
*William Hutchins. He later enlisted in the American Army and
his name was the last but one on the Pension Rolls of the
Revolution, the last being that of Bakeman of New York who
survived him a few months.
p.35 REVOLUTIONARY WAR.
MAINE BY LOUIS CLINTON HATCH, Ph.d.
Barclay soon returned to Halifax, leaving behind three
sloops: the Albany, the North and the Nautilus - under the
command of Captain Mowatt, the destroyer of Falmouth.*
Plans were made for a strong fort, to be placed on high
ground in the center of the peninsula, and called Fort
George. The work, however, progressed but slowly and on
July 18th, news was received that an American fleet and
army were being made ready at Boston to recapture Biga-
duce.
On the 24th of July a large fleet was seen standing up
the bay. The expedition was a State, not a Continental
one. It was organized and directed by Massachusetts and
she furnished all the troops and most of the ships.
Massachusetts had acted with great promptness, alarmed
by the danger to her supply of wood, and warned by Briga-
dier General Cushing at Pownalborough of the importance of
attacking the British before they had time to fortify.
On the 24th of June, the General Court directed steps to
be taken for the fitting out of such vessels as could be
made ready in six days, for an expedition against Bigaduce.
Orders were also issued for the purchase of large quantities
of provisions, ammunition, etc. The command of the land forces
was given to Solomon Lovell of Weymouth.
Peleg Wadsworth of Duxbury, subsequently of Gorham and of
Falmouth, was second in command.
INSERT.
Subject: General Peleg Wadsworth, Massachusetts Militia
Captivity and Escape from the British.
(Grandfather of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow).
Source: "American Military Biography of The Officers of the Revolution"
printed 1824, CT and Rev. Thacher's Journal
p.198
The following is an abstract of an interesting narrative taken from the
travels of the late Dr. Dwight as recorded in Rev. Thacher's Journal.
'After the failure of the expedition against the British garrison at
Penobscot, GeneralPeleg Wadsworth was appointed in the spring of 1780 to the command of a party of state troops in Camden, in the District of Maine. At the expiration of the period for which the troops were engaged in February following, General Wadsworth dismissed his troops, retaining six soldiers only as his guard, and he was making preparations to depart from the place.
A neighboring inhabitant communicated his situation to the British commander
at Penobscot and a party of twenty-five soldiers, commanded by Lieutenant
Stockton, was sent to make him a prisoner. They embarked in a small schooner and landing within four miles of the general's quarters, they were concealed at the house of one Snow, a methodist preacher, professedly a friend to him, but really
a traitor, till eleven o'clock in the even
The party rushed suddenly on the sentinel, who gave the alarm, and one of his comrades instantly opened the door of the kitchen, and the enemy were so near as to enter with the sentinel. The lady of the general and her friend Miss Fenno of Boston, were in the house at the time; and Mrs. Wadsworth escaped from the room of her husband into that of Miss Fenno. The assailants soon became masters of the whole house, except the room where the general was, and which was strongly
barred and they kept up a constant firing of musketry into the windows and
doors, except into those of the ladies' room. General Wadsworth was provided
with a pair of pistols, a blunderbuss and a fusee, which he employed with great dexterity, being determined to defend himself to the last moment. With his pistols, which he discharged several times, he defended the windows of his room, and a door which opened into the kitchen. His blunderbuss he snapped several times, but unfortunately it miss-fired. He then seized his fusee, which he discharged on some who were breaking through one of the windows, and obliged them to flee. He next defended himself with his bayonet, till he received a ball through his left arm, when he surrendered, which terminated the contest. The firing, however did not cease from the kitchen, till the general unbarred the door, when the soldiers rushed into the room, and one of them who had been badly wounded, pointing a musket at his breast, exclaimed with an oath, 'you have taken my life and I will take yours.' But Lieutenant Stockton turned the musket and saved Gen. Wadsworth's life.
The commanding officer now applauded the general for his admirable defence
and assisted in putting on his clothes, saying 'you see we are in a critical situation; you must excuse haste.' Mrs. Wadsworth threw a blanket over him and Miss Fenno applied a hankerchief closely around his wounded arm. In this condition though much exhaused, he, with a wounded American soldier, was directed to march on foot, while two British wounded soldiers were mounted on a horse taken from the general's barn. They departed in great haste. When they had proceeded about mile, they met at a small house where a number of people had collected and who inquired if they had taken General Wadsworth. They said no, and added that they must leave a wounded man in their care; and if they paid proper attention to him, they should be compensated; but if not, they would burn down their house; but the man appeared
to be dying. General Wadsworth was now mounted on the horse, behind the
other wounded soldier and was warned that his safety depended on his silence.
Having crossed over a frozen mill-pond, about a mile in length, they were met by some of their party who had been left behind. At this place they found the British privateer which brought the party from the fort. The captain, on being told that he must return there with the prisoner and the party, and seeing some of his men wounded, became outrageious and damned the general for a rebel, demanded how he dared to fire on the king's troops, and ordered him to help launch the boat. Lieutenant Stockton on learning of this abusive treatment, in a manner honorable to himself, told the captain that the prisoner was a gentleman, had mad a brave defence, and was to be treated accordingly and added, that his conduct should be
represented to General Campbell.
After this the captain treated the prisoner with great civility and afforded
him every comfort in his power. General Wadsworth had left the ladies in the
house, not a window of which escaped destruction. The doors were broken down, and two of the rooms were set on fire, the floors covered with blood and on one of them lay a brave old soldier dangerously wounded, begging for death, that he
might be released from misery. The anxiety and distress of Mrs. Wadsworth was inexpressible, and that of the general was greatly increased by the
uncertainty in his mind respecting the fate of his little son, only five
years old, who had been exposed to every danger by the firing into the house; but he had the happiness afterwards to hear of his safety. Having arrived at the British post, the capture of General Wadsworth was soon announced and the shore thronged with spectators to see the man who, through the preceding year, had disappointed all the designs of the British in that quarter; and loud shouts were heard from the rabble which covered the shore; but when he arrived at the fort, and was conducted into the officer's guard-room, he was treated with politeness. General Campbell, the commandant of the British garrison, sent his compliments to him and surgeon to dress his wounds; assuring him that his situation should be made comfortable.
The next morning General Campbell invited him to breakfast and at table paid
him many compliments on the defence he had made, observing however, that he
had exposed himself in a degree not perfectly justifiable. General Wadsworth
replied that from the manner of the attack he had no reason to suspect any design of taking him alive, and that he intended therefore to sell his life as dearly
as possible. 'But Sir,' sayd General Campbell, 'I understand that the captain of the privateer treated you very ill - I shall see that the matter is set right.'
He then informed the prisoner, that a room in the officers' barracks within the fort was prepared for him and that he should send his orderly sergeant daily to attend him to breakfast and dinner at his table.
Having retired to his solitary apartment, and while his spirits were
extremely despressed by a recollection of the past, and by his present
situation, he received from General Campbell several books and soon after a visit from him, kindly endeavoring to cheer the spirits of his prisoner by conversation. Not long after, the officers of the party called, and among others the redoubtable captain of the privateer, who called to ask pardon for what had fallen from him when in a passion; adding that it was not in his nature to treat a gentleman prisoner ill - that the unexpected disappointment of his cruise had thrown him off his guard and he hoped that this would be deemed a sufficient apology. This General Wadsworth accepted.
At the hour of dining he was invited to the table of the commandant, where he
met with all the principal officers of the garrison and from whom he received
particular attention and politeness. General Wadsworth soon made application to the commandant for a flag of truce by which means he could transmit a letter to
the governor of Massachusetts, and another to Mrs. Wadsworth: this was granted,
on the condition that the letter to the governor should be inspected. The flag was
entrusted to Lieutenant Stockton and on his return the general was relieved from all anxiety respecting his wife and family.
General Campbell and the officers of the garrison continued their civilities
for some time and endeavored by books and personal visits to render his
situation as pleasant as circumstances would admit of. At the end of five
weeks, his wound being nearly healed, he requested of General Campbell the customary privilege of a parole, and received in reply, that his case had been reported to the commanding officer at New York and that no alteration could be made till orders were received from that quarter. In about two months, Mrs. Wadsworth and Miss Fenno arrived; and General Campbell and some of the officers, contributed to render their visit agreeable to all concerned.
About the same time, orders were received from the commanding general at New
York, which were concealed from General Wadsworth; but he finally learned that he was not to be paroled nor exchanged, but was to be sent to England as a rebel of too much consequence to be at liberty. Not long afterwards Major Benjamin Burton, a brave and worthy man, who had served under Gen. Wadsworth the preceding summer, was taken and brought into the same fort and lodged in the same room with General Wadsworth. He had been informed that both himself and the general were to be sent immediately after the return of a privateer, now out on a cruise, either to New York or Halifax - and thence to England. The prisoners immediately resolved to make a desperate attempt to effect their escape. They were confined in a grated
room in the officers' barracks within the fort. The walls of this fortress,
exclusively of the depth of the ditch surrounding it were twenty feet high,
with fraising on the top, and chevaux de frise at the bottom. Two sentinels were always in the entry and their door, the upper part of which was of glass, might be opened by these watchmen whenever they thought proper and was actually opened at seasons of peculiar darkness and silence. At the exterior doors of the entries, sentinels were also stationed; as were others in the body of the fort, and at the quarters of General Campbell. At the guard house, a strong guard was
daily mounted. Several sentinels were stationed on the walls of the fort,
and a complete line occupied them by night. Without the ditch, glacis and
abattis, another complete set of soldiers patroled through the night as well. The gate of the fort was shut at sunset and a piquet guard was placed on or near the isthmus leading from the fort to the main land.
The room in which they were confined was railed with boards. One of these
they determined to cut off so as to make a hole large enough to pass through,
and then to creep along till they should come to the next or middle entry;
and then lower themselves down into this entry by a blanket. If they should not be discovered, the passage to the walls of the fort was easy. In the evening, after the sentinels had seen the prisoners retire to bed, General Wadsworth got up and standing in a chair, attempted to cut with his knife the intended opening but soon found it impracticable. The next day by giving a soldier a dollar they procurred a
gimblet. With this instrument they proceeded cautiously and as silently as
possible to perforate the board and in order to conceal every appearance from
their servants and from the officers and their visitors, they carefully covered the gimblet holes with chewed bread. At the end of three weeks their labors were so far completed that it only remained to cut with a knife the parts which were left to hold the piece in its place.
When their preparations were finished, they learnecd that the privateer in
which they were to embark was daily expected. In the evening of the 18th of
June, a very severe storm of rain, with great darkness and almost incessant lightning came on. This the prisoners considered as the propitious moment. Having extinguished their lights, they began to cut the
corners of the board and in less than an hour the intended opening was
completed. The noise which the operation occasioned was drowned by the rain falling on the roof.
Major Burton first ascended to the ceiling and pressed himself through the opening. General Wadsworth next, having put the corner of his blanket through the hole and made it fast by a strongwooden skewer, attempted to make his way through, standing on a chair below, but it was with extreme difficulty that he at length effected it and reached the middle
entry. From this he passed through the door which he found open and made his way to the wall of the fort, and had to encounter the greatest difficulty before he could ascend to the top. He had now to creep along the top of the fort between the
sentry boxes at the very moment when the relief was shifting sentinels, but the falling of heavy rain kept the sentinels within their boxes, and favored his escape.
Having now fastened his blanket round a picket at the top, he let himself
down through thechevaux de frise to the ground and in a manner astonishing to himself made his way into the open field. Here he was obliged to grope his way among rocks, stumps and brush in the darkness of night, till he reached the cove - happily the tide had ebbed and enabled him to cross the water about a mile in breadth and not more than three feet deep. About two o'clock in the morning General Wadsworth found himself a mile and a half from the fort and he proceededthrough a thick wood and brush to the Penobscot River, and after passing some distance along the shore being seven miles from the fort, to his unspeakable
joy he saw his friend Burton advancing towards him. Major Burton had been obliged to encounter in his course equal difficulties with his companion, and such were
the incredible perils, dangers and obstructions, which they surmounted, that
their escape may be considered almost miraculous. It was now necessary they
should cross the Penobscot River and very fortunately they discovered a canoe with oars on the shore suited to their purpose. While on the river they discovered a barge with a party of British from the fort in pursuit of them, but by taking an oblique course, and plying their oars to the utmost, they happily eluded the eyes
of their pursuers and arrived safe on the western shore.
After having wandered in the wilderness for several days and nights, exposed
to extreme fatigue and cold and with no other food than a little dry bread and meat, which they brought in their pockets from the fort, they reached the settlements on the River St. George and no further diffuculties attended their return to their respective families."* Rev. Thacher's Journal.
Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth
HISTORY OF MAINE.
(continued)
On the 24th of June, the General Court directed steps to be
taken for the fitting out of such vessels as could be made
ready in six days for an expedition against Bigaduce. Oder
were also issued for the purchase of large quantities of provi-
sions, ammunition, etc. The command of the land forces was
given to Solomon Lovell of Weymouth.
Peleg Wadsworth in command. Most of the soldiers were to be
drawn from the Maine militia, but Massachusetts sent the State
regiment of artillery under Lieut. Colonel Paul Revere. There
was also a fleet consisting of three armed vessels belonging to
Massachusetts, a dozen privateers hired, or in one case, im-
pressed by her, a privateer hired and furnished by New Hampshire,
and three Continental vessels lent by the Naval Board at Boston.
Their senior officer, Captain Saltonstall of the Warren, was made
commodore of the fleet.
Orders had been issued to the commanders of the militia in the
counties of Lincoln and Cumberland to provide six hundred men
each and to the Brigadier-General of York County, to send three
hundred. Transports were dispatched in advance of the fleet to
Casco Bay, to take the militia to Townshend. But when General
Lovell reached there, he found less than one thousand troops,
instead of the fifteen hundred called out.
Even these had bee assembled with great difficulty; they were
without training and ill provided with arms and ammunition, and
many were unfit for duty. In the investigation after the failure
of the expedition, the adjutant-general of the force testified
that "one reason of the deficiency was this: some officers, whose
duty it was to detach the men, considered the orders to include
officers as part of the detail, some included the men who had
entered on board the fleet out of their towns, for the expedi-
tion
Footnotes. "Sir Johm Moore at Castine during the Revolution,"
Collection of the Maine Historical Society, II: II, 403. The
Cumberland regiment was commanded by Col. Jonathan Mitchell,
the Lincoln, by Col. Samuel McCobb, and the York troops by
Major Daniel Littlefield.
p.36 HISTORY OF MAINE.
and perhaps a short cruise; and some sent boys, old men and
invalids; if they belonged to the train band or alarm list,
they were soldiers, whether they could carry a gun, walk a
mile without crutches or only compos mentis sufficient to
keep themselves out of fire and water." General Wadsworth
testified "that a least one-fourth part of the troops appear-
to me to be small boys and old men and unfit for the service."
On July 25, the fleet arrived at Penobscot and a part approach-
the habor and engaged in a long distance cannonade with Mowatt's
vessels, with no other result than to give the enemy proof of the
prudence of the American commodore and the awkwardness of his men.
MAJOR LITTLEFIELD , YORK MILITIA - KILLED.
On the 20th, Banks Island was occupied and a flag and four
cannon, two mounted, two unmounted, were taken. The Americans
lost only three men but one of these was Major Littlefield, the
commander of the York militia, an excellent officer.
It is probable that if Saltonstall had had a little of the
spirit of Farragut at Mobile, or Dewey at Manilla, much more
could have been accomplished. But no exhortations or arguements
then or later, could induce him to dash into the harbor, destroy
Mowatt's three small vessels with his greatly superior force, and
assist Lovell in an attack on the fort.
On the 27th it was decided that the marines and militia should
attempt a landing on the peninsula early next day. Accordingly,
at three in the morning, the troops were ordered into the boats,
and a little before sunrise, they gave three cheers and pulled
for the shore under cover of a constant fire from five of the
ships. The enemy were posted on a bluff high and difficult of
ascent, but the Americans attacked with vigor and courage,
though in some disorder. They were formed in three divisions -
the marines and part of Colonel McCobb's regiment on the right;
the remainder of his regiment, the artillery serving as infantry,
and the volunteers, in the center, with whom was General Lovell;
and Colonel Mitchell's regiment on the left. In less than twenty
minutes the enemy gave way and fled, pursued by the Americans.
The British were inferior in numbers, were mainly new recruits
and had been considerably shaken by the cannonade from the fleet.
Their commander also was guilty of mismanagement or worse. He
bade his men hold their fire until the Americans landed, and,
after they had given the enemy a single volley, he ordered a
retreat. The only officer who stood his ground was Lieut. Moore,
then in battle for the first time.
Lovell was highly pleased with his success, but it is possible
that much more could have been done. Neither the fort nor the
British soldiers were in a condition to withstand a vigorous
assault such as Wayne made at Stony Point. Moore states that
it would not have been a difficult matter to have stormed one
of the bastions on which work had only been just begun.
See online, Journal of General Solomon Lovelle.
http://www.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~mecpenob/lovell.html
Footnote. Wheeler, "History of Castine." 293.
p.37 HISTORY OF MAINE.
THE REVOLUTION.
Moreover, many of the garrison were new recruits, and had
been disheartened by the American cannonade and the defeat
of the picket.
LOVELL.
Lovell decided to resort to siege operations, from which
he hoped a quick success, but several days passed without
important result, except that the enemy's works continually
grew stronger. Some attacks were made on outworks, but not
much was accomplished and the behavior of many of the offic-
ers and privates of the militia was the reverse of credit-
able. During the siege Lovell was continually urging Salton-
stall to enter the harbor and destroy Mowatt's little squadron,
but he refused unless the army would at the same time storm the
fort which, after the first few days, was quite impracticable.
At last, however, arrangements were made for a joint attack,
but as it was about to be delivered, news was brought that a
fleet was coming up the bay. The attack was at once abandoned.
At midnight Lovell received word from the Commodore that the
fleet was British, and promptly embarked his men. Saltonstall
had drawn up his ships in the form of a crescent to make a show
of resistance, but when the enemy appeared standing boldly for
the center of the line, the whole gave way, each vessel seek-
ing its own safety but none finding it. In about twenty-four
hours all the armed vessels had been destroyed by their crews
except four which fell into the enemy's hands. The transports
met a like fate. The militia made their way to their homes as
best they might, except five companies which were kept to-
gether by the exertions of their officers and were stationed
at various points on the coast to protect it against raids.
The Massachusetts Council and the House of Representatives
appointed a committee of investigation who examined Lovell,
Wadsworth and various military and naval officers, and re-
ported unanimously that the chief reason for the fairure
was the want "of proper spirit and energy in the Commo-
dore." Saltonstall was shortly after, tried by a Court-
martial and dismissed from the Continental service. The
exact charges and specifications against him are not known.
Popular rumor had accused him of treachery and cowardice.
It is not likely, however, that Saltonstall was either a
traitor or a craven, but of his extreme unwillingness to
risk either ships or men at Penobscot, there can be no
doubt. The blame for the failure to attack Mowatt must
be shared by captains of the privateers. Any injury to
their ships would mean the loss of a cruise and its prof-
its and consequently the majority of them were always
against attack.
The committee of investigation highly praised the con-
duct of Generals Lovell and Wadsworth, although in the
case of the latter, they were divided in opinion. They
slightly censured Colonel Mitchell for returning home
without orders. Numerous charges, the result perhaps
of personal enmity, were preferred against Revere. The
committee found him culpable in disputing during the re-
treat the orders of General Wadsworth, and that he was
not wholly justified in going to Boston with his regi-
ment without the leave of his superior office. By
general Wadsworth's testimony it
p.38 HISTORY OF MAINE.
would appear that Revere's conduct was indeed culpable.
Wadsworth swore: "A small schooner in which was the
greatest part of our provisions was then in the strength
of the tide, drifting down on the enemy; it was in vain
that a number of boats were ordered to tow her across
the stream, and with much difficulty that a boat was
got off to take out her crew. In this I was directly
opposed by Lieutenant Colonel Paul Revere, who said
that I had no right to command either him or the boat
(Revere claimed he was ordered to obey Wadsworth during
the expedition, and that the expedition was over), and
gave orders to the contrary. The boat went off to the
schooner. The reason Lieutenant Colonel Revere gave
for the boat's not going off to the schooner was, that
he had all his private baggage at stake, and asked who
would thank him for losing that, in attempting to save
the schooner to the State. I asked him whether he came
there to take care of his private baggage or to serve
the State."
Being dissatisfied with the findings of the committee,
Revere repeatedly demanded a court-martial, and in 1782
he obtained one. There were two charges, the refusal of
the boat, and the return without orders. The Court
found that Revere did refuse the boat, but acquitted
him because he acted on a sudden impulse and particul-
arly because the boat was actually employed in the manner
desired by General Wadsworth. On the second charge the
court found "the whole army was in great confusion and
so scattered and dispersed that no regular orders were,
or could be given," and were "of the opinion that Lieut.
Colonel Revere be acquitted with equal honor as the other
officers in the same expedition."
During the war, Maine furnished many soldiers to the
Continental Army, but as the regiments in which they serv-
ed were Massachusetts regiments, she has not received credit
to which she is entitled. In January, 1776, James Sullivan
of Biddeford, then acting as commissary for the Maine troops,
wrote to Samuel Freeman at the Provincial Congress:
"Falmouth, 31 January, 1776.
"Sir: Since I wrote you last, I received a resolve of Court,
wherein I find I am directed to assist in raising two hundred
and thirty-eight men in the County of York. I shall obey orders,
and do my best, and make no doubt but the men may be had, which
will leave the seacoast of the country entirely without fire-
arms, for our arms were taken from our people on the last of
December, by order of Congress, an enlistment for Cambridge
will strip us of men for this winter, and if your guns are
again stopped, we shall be, in the Spring, without farearms.
I venture to affirm as a fact, that m ore than half the men
of Biddeford and Pepperellborough are now in camp at Cambridge.
The four hundred men at Falmouth can never be raised, as every
one who can leave home is gone or going to Cambridge. The
officers appointed here have no commissions, nor has General
Frye any instructions. You might have sent the commissions
Footnote. General references for the Penobscot expedition:
Wheeler, "History of Castine". Weymouth Historical Society
Proceedings. I, containing a sketch of Lovell's life and
his journal. Coll. Maine Historical Society Document. Hist.
II: XV, XVI (Baxter manuscripts).
p.39 MAINE.
THE REVOLUTION.
before now if you had attended to the safety of your own
country and hope you will send by the first conveyance. If
the General should order another reinforcement they must draw
upon this part of the province for women instead of men and for
knives and forks, instead of arms, otherwise they cannot be
obeyed. I am, your humble servant,
James Sullivan."
A careful investigation made at the instance of Reverend Henry
S. Burrage shows that fully a thousand Maine men were at Valley
Forge. In 1907 a granite marker containing a bronze tablet suit-
ably inscribed was erected in the memory of these heroes.
In 1783 peace was made and England acknowledged the independ-
ence of the United States. The St. Croix river was declared the
eastern boundary.
With the Revolution there not only passed away for Maine de-
pendence on a foreign power, but there also ceased the sharing
with the Indian tribes, of control over her own soil. They shrank
from the position of co-sovereigns to that of wards. Williamson
says,"After allowing to them a restricted territory, the rivers
and forests were no longer theirs. The fee and virtual possess-
ion of all the ungranted region, it was agreed on all hands, were
in the State."
INDIAN HISTORY AND CUSTOMS.
At this point in the narrative, when the Indians of Maine cease
to be of political importance, it may be appropriate to consider
briefly their history and customs.
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