CHAPTER X
Spanish Occupation, 1598-1680

The conquest being accomplished, permanent settlement and colonization began, and, after the first year or two of comparative hardships, the Spaniards gradually spread into various sections of the Rio Grande Valley.

Fortunately for the colonists, the Indians of the Tehua pueblos received them kindly, and gave material assistance in the building of the new Spanish town, without which many of the families would have suffered severely during the first winter, while they were still poorly protected, and before they could raise any crops for their subsistence. The Franciscans founded their first permanent monastery (convento), at the pueblo of San Ildefonso, near to Onate's new city; and from that as a central point missionaries traversed the country in all directions, and as rapidly as arrangements could be made, priests were permanently stationed and churches erected in all the principal villages.

As a result of these efforts, the reports show that as early as 1608 no less than 8,000 Indians had been baptized; and by 1626, that number had increased to nearly 35,000. One single monk, of intense zeal and wonderful power among the natives - Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, of Jemez - himself baptized the extraordinary number of 6,566 Indians at that pueblo, besides doing effective work in other directions. Others of the colonists, more bent on temporal things, explored the country from end to end for the precious metals - and with some success, for mines were found in various parts of the vast domain. The remains of ancient workings, as well as the written history of those times, show how enterprising were the "prospectors" of the seventeenth century; their labors extending from the Mexican boundary in the

101

south to Picuris and even to the Rio Colorado in the north, and leaving no mountain range unexplored.

Oriate, himself, showed great energy and executive ability both in the government of the colony and in his dealings with the natives.

We have already seen the untiring energy with which, in less than five months after his arrival, he made a tour of all the Pueblo provinces, in which he visited nearly every town of importance, with a view of establishing amicable relations with the people. All of 1599 and 1600 were occupied in exploration, in extending the settlements, and strengthening the positions already occupied.

It was evident that, in order to hold possession of so large a province, more soldiers and more colonists were necessary; and to Christianize the people, more friars must aid in the work. Onate wrote to the viceroy in glowing terms of the prospect of new discoveries, and sent his letter by Captains Villagra, Farfan, and Pinero, whose spoken words were even more enthusiastic than the written ones of the governor. At the same time Padres Martinez, Salazar, and Vergara went to Mexico to obtain spiritual re-enforcements. The result was that the seventy-one soldiers that were lacking in Onate's little army when it left New Biscay were supplied, and while Padre Salazar died on the journey and Padre Martinez did not return, about eight additional friars were sent under Padre Juan de Escalona.

The governor now determined to attempt a more ambitious journey, and set out in June, 1601, on an expedition to the great city of the east - the famous Quivira. He took with him eighty soldiers, and was accompanied by two friars for religious duties, and by Jose, the survivor of Humana's expedition, who had been found at Picuris, as guide. After the long march across the plains, he reached the object of the expedition and succeeded in making a treaty of perpetual friendship between the Quivirans and the Spaniards.

But while he was absent, many of the colonists became discouraged on account of the failure of the crops, and even the

102

priests lost heart, and a number deserted the infant settlement and returned to Mexico. When Onate arrived he was greatly vexed at this conduct, and sent his nephew, Vicente de Saldivar, in hot haste to Mexico, to turn back the fugitives, and to represent him before the viceroy. Don Vicente overtook the colonists and forced them to return, and then proceeded not only to Mexico but to Spain itself, to protect the interests of his uncle.

The latter had lost none of his love of adventure, and not satisfied with his expedition to the far east, determined to explore the unknown region to the west, if possible as far as the ocean itself. He set out on October 7, 1604, with thirty soldiers and two priests, and first visited Zurii and then the pueblos of the Moqui province, and finally reached a small stream which he called San Andres, and followed this down to the Colorado River itself, which he called "Rio de Buena Esperanza" (Good Hope). Onate was the first European to follow that great stream to its mouth, and in the course of the journey he found many different tribes of Indians. He crossed the Gila where it unites with the Colorado and proceeded down the valley to the Gulf of California, where he was delighted with the fine harbor surrounding an island, and capable, he writes, of containing a thousand vessels. This expedition was of the greatest importance in determining the distance of the settlements on the Rio Grande from the western shore of the continent, but it was absolutely barren of practical results. It returned by the same general route that it had followed westward, to San Gabriel, where the soldiers arrived after many privations and being reduced to the necessity of eating their horses, on April 25, 1605.
In 1605 occurred the removal of the capital from San Gabriel to Santa Fe. It seems strange that we have no record of so important an event as the establishment of the Royal City (Villa Real) in its sheltered spot in the foothills on the western slope of the Rocky Mountains; but the great conflagration in the center of the plaza, in 1680, which signalized the Pueblo triumph, destroyed many a memorial of the past, as well as the symbols of Christianity and Spanish authority.

104

Whatever was the cause of the change or the method of selection, time has certainly demonstrated the wisdom of the choice; as all the experience of three hundred years has shown no locality so charming and salubrious in its climate, and so free from the wind and storm of winter and the heat and insect pests of summer, in all the wide Southwest.

The exact day we do not know, but the year 1605 is certain. Fray Alonzo de Posadas so states in his report to the king, in which he says that Onate carried with him to the new capital, a number of soldiers and several Franciscan friars, of whom the chief was Padre Francisco de Escobar.

The seat of government certainly remained at San Gabriel until that year. An interesting document which gives authority to Vicente de Zaldivar and Gaspar de Villagra to represent the people before the king of Spain is dated at San Gabriel, October 4, 1603, and is executed by the Cabildo, Justicia, Regidores de La Villa de San Gabriel de Nuevo Mexico, showing that the local authorities were all present; and on April 25, 1605, according to Salmeron, Onate returned from his expedition to the. Colorado of the West, to the old capital on the Rio Grande.

For three-quarters of a century after the removal of this capital, the records that we have of the history of New Mexico are quite meager, for the reason above stated. The growth of the colony was slow, as very few cared to leave the rich tropical climate of Mexico to endure the privations of frontier life in the northern province, now that the romance of exploration and discovery and the hope of great mineral riches were dissipated.

In 1606, we are told that a party of 800 Indians from Quivira came to Santa Fe to return the visit made by the Spaniards five years before, and to ask aid in a Avar which they were then waging; and brought with them to Onate an Axtao prisoner, who was subsequently taken to Spain and presented to the king, attracting great attention wherever he journeyed.

There seems little doubt that Onate ceased to be governor in 1608 and was then succeeded by Don Pedro de Peralta. The former had encountered a series of difficulties and disappoint-

105

ments. The viceroy of New Spain was not always friendly, and there was frequent friction with the friars. The expense of the expedition and colonization had been enormous and had depleted his fortune. The contract with the Crown, under which the expedition had been undertaken, provided for the succession of his son to his office and honors; but nothing of that kind took place, and apparently the contract was entirely abrogated and New Mexico placed on a level with other royal provinces, as two chroniclers of the day, Calle and Betancur, tell us that the new governor received a salary, and that in that year the king began to support both soldiers and priests.

There are chronicles of a second expedition to the eastern plains by Ohate in 1611, and of another by Vicente de Saldivar to the Grand Canon in 1618, but these are of doubtful authority and may only be versions of the previous explorations.

In 1617 the cabildo of Santa Fe petitioned the king for aid for the new settlement.

One of the most interesting inscriptions on the celebrated Moro Inscription Rock, east of Zuni, relates to this period, and as pictured in Simpson's report, from drawings made on September 17, 1849, reads as follows, many words being abbreviated:

"Governor and Captain-General of the Province of New Mexico, for our Lord, the King, passed by this place, on his return from the pueblos of Zuni, on the 29th of July of the year 1620, etc."

In 1621, the Franciscan Missions, which claimed 16,000 converts among the Indians, were organized as the " Custodia of the Conversion of St. Paul," and Padre Alonzo Benavides came as the first custodio, bringing with him twenty-seven friars. He was an indefatigable worker, and made a lengthy report as to the condition of the people and provinces of New Mexico in 1626, which is altogether the best source of information as to that period. He describes each "nacion" separately; and gives particular accounts of the mines of Socorro, the Villa de Santa Fe, the fishing, hunting, agriculture, and climate of the country; and all this was immediately transmitted by the commissary general of the Franciscans in Mexico to King Philip IV, and printed in Madrid

106

in 1630. He tells us that at that time there were 250 Spaniards in Santa Fe, though only 50 could do military service on account of lack of arms; and there were also 700 Indians and half-breeds living there; and he says that the friars taught both Spaniards and Indians "to read and write, to play on musical instruments and sing, and all arts of politeness." He adds, This place, though cold, is the most fertile of all New Mexico.

Two governors are mentioned during this period - Felipe Zotylo and Manuel de Silva- of whom we know little more than the names, except that Governor Silva went to Zuiii in August, 1729, and left an inscription there which is his best monument. After them came Luis de Rosas in 1641, a Governor Valdez, Alonzo Pacheco de Heredia, Fernando de Arguello in 1645, and Luis de Guzman; which brings us down to 1650.

During much of this period there was increasing friction between the civil and the religious authorities; the friars claiming almost absolute power in matters connected with the Indians, and the governors vigorously resenting this interference with their authority. Each side complained of the other to the higher powers in Mexico and Spain, and long controversies resulted. Governor de Rosas was stabbed to death in 1641 or 1642, and this was said to be in connection with the difficulties just referred to. About this time the Inquisition was introduced, and this added to the friction between the ecclesiastics and the governor. Meanwhile the Indians were becoming more and more restless under the heavier burdens of the Spanish rule.

For a number of years after the colonization, the best of feeling existed between the native Pueblos and the new-comers; but, as time went on, the Spaniards began to exact as duties those services which had at first been rendered from kindness. Little by little they assumed greater powers, introduced European laws, and punished the natives for the least infraction of a foreign code of which they had never heard. The favorite penalty was slavery, as that provided the labor of which the colonists stood in need, especially in the mines, where the servitude was of the most harsh character. At the same time, the early Franciscans, who came as

107

true missionaries, actuated by love, and easily won the hearts of the people, were succeeded by ecclesiastics of a more severe type, who sought to convert the natives by compulsion, and introduced the Inquisition and various forms of punishment, in order to compel the universal observance of their religion.
Under all the circumstances, the Pueblos, who had lived for generations an easy life of freedom and happiness, until the coming of the pale-faced strangers, naturally changed in their feelings from welcome and hospitality to hatred and a determination to expel the invaders whenever opportunity should be presented. The middle of the seventeenth century was filled with a succession of revolts and conflicts arising from this state of affairs. Many of these were local and easily ended, but others were well arranged and formidable. As one after the other attempt failed, either from lack of cooperation or because the project was divulged prematurely, the Indians learned that only by united and secret action was success to be achieved: and preparations for such an uprising were cautiously discussed, year after year, at the great Pueblo festivals. About 1645, forty Indians were hung on religious grounds and many others were flogged and imprisoned, and this brought about a revolt, which however was short-lived.

Fernando de Ugartey la Concha became governor in 1650, and shortly afterwards a plot was fortunately discovered by which the Pueblos and Apaches were to kill all of the soldiers, on the night of Holy Thursday, when all would be in church.

Shortly after this occurrence, there were conspiracies and risings among the Piros. In all of these cases the punishments were very severe.

In 1653, Juan de Samaniego was appointed governor, and was succeeded by Enrique de Avila y Pacheco in 1656, and he by Bernardo Lopez de Mendizabal. The last named became involved in warm disputes with the officials of the Inquisition, and finally resigned in 1660. He was succeeded by Diego de Penalosa.
Whatever may have been his failings, Penalosa was altogether the most picturesque character among all the New Mexican gov-

108

ernors in the century between Onate and De Vargas. The earliest document in the archives of New Mexico, and the only one dated before the Pueblo revolution, is signed by him. How it survived the conflagration of 1680 no one knows; but, brief as it is, it reflects credit on his administration. It orders that the pueblo Indians be not obliged to work in spinning or weaving without the governor ?s license; that friendly Indians be well treated, but that wild tribes be not admitted to the town but compelled to lodge outside.

Penalosa was a man of fine appearance and engaging manners, which made him many friends; very ambitious and of great assurance; and he had acquired large wealth which was left in Mexico when he came as governor to Santa Fe. With much energy he took up the duties of the office, visited various parts of the territory, and went as far west as Zuni and Moqui, and planned many expeditions abroad as well as new settlements and improvements at home. But the troubles and collisions with the officials of the Inquisition, which had driven his predecessor out of office, were soon revived with increased virulence, and for some special cause of offense, we are told that he finally arrested the commissary-general and imprisoned him for a week at the palace. This was not forgotten nor forgiven; and when, soon afterwards, he went to the City of Mexico, to consult with the viceroy, the high officials of the Inquisition there had him thrown into prison and subjected him to a ruinous fine, and he was only set at liberty on making a public apology and a humiliating act of contrition.

He again endeavored to interest the viceroy and even the king in a grand scheme of conquest, but being unsuccessful, he went to Paris and applied to the French government to take up the project, and there presented the narrative of a most remarkable expedition purporting to have been made by himself, in 1662, from Santa Fe to Quivira; the whole apparently reported by a chaplain of his little army to the king of Spain. This was considered genuine and of much historic value, until recent investigation showed that it was entirely imaginative except as founded on the report of Onate's expedition of 1601.

109

After Penalosa, in 1664, came Fernando de Villanueva as governor, and he was succeeded by Juan de Medrano, Juan de Miranda, and Juan Francisco Trevino. This brings us down to 1679, when Antonio Otermin was appointed.

Meanwhile the wild tribes of Indians of the plains, the Apaches of various names, began to make incursions and to fall upon the defenseless settlers and entire villages. The bad feeling between the Spaniards and the Pueblos became intensified by various grievances of which both parties complained, but especially by the severity accorded to the Indians. What they most needed was a leader of acknowledged ability, and in the excitement which followed the severe punishment of forty-seven Indians for alleged witchcraft, in 1675, a man came into general notice who seemed by his fearless intrepidity as well as by his good judgment well fitted for the task. His name was Pope, of the pueblo of San Juan; and we shall hear much of him hereafter.

CHAPTER XI
The Pueblo Revolution

At the end of Chapter X mention is made of Pope, who first came into general notice by his action in 1675. From that time he seems to have been regarded as a leader, and was untiring in his endeavors to unite the whole Pueblo population in a general uprising against the Spaniards.

With this view he traveled from town to town, urging a forgetfulness of old jealousies, and using his wonderful eloquence to great effect. He was ably seconded in this by several other natives of large influence, prominent among whom were Catiti of Santo Domingo, Jaca of Taos, and Tacu of San Juan. By their efforts the whole Indian population was brought into a condition of preparation and only waited for an opportune moment to strike a decisive blow. There is some doubt as to the occasion of the final rising, but the tradition is so general that we can hardly think it without foundation, that the caving in of the shaft of a silver mine, and the consequent burying alive of a large number of Pueblo Indians who had been forced to labor there, was the "last, straw" which exhausted the long-tried patience of the natives, and precipitated the revolt.

The day finally fixed on by the leaders for the uprising was August 10, 1680, and swift messengers were sent to every Pueblo town to carry the information and call for its cooperation. Warned by previous failures, every means was used to secure secrecy. Not a woman was entrusted with the secret, and so intense was the feeling that Pope killed with his own hand his son-in-law, Nicholas Bua, the governor of San Juan, because he was believed to be disloyal. But even all these precautions did not suffice, for on the 8th of August two Indians of Tesuque,

111

which was so near to Santa Fe that the Indians were specially intimate with the Spanish authorities, revealed the whole plot to Governor Otermin, and other Indians at San Lazaro and San Cristobal gave information to Father Bernal, the Franciscan custodio.

The fact that they were betrayed was almost immediately known by the Pueblo leaders, who saw that their only chance of success now lay in immediate action. Orders were consequently issued to that effect, and were so swiftly carried, that that very night in all the pueblos, except those far distant, every Spaniard was slaughtered without regard to age or sex, except a few girls reserved for wives for the young braves. The news of this general massacre naturally created the utmost consternation at the capital and in all the Spanish towns. Otermin sent messengers through the territory directing the people at the north to concentrate at Santa Fe, and those of the south at Isleta, and immediately set about fortifying the capital.

Many of the Spaniards reached these cities of refuge, but a still larger number, found in their houses or on the roads, were slain. Those living in the extreme north, finding it impossible to reach Santa Fe, assembled at Santa Cruz, and endeavored to fortify the town; but on the eleventh the Indians carried it by storm and massacred all who were found there.

By this time the people of every pueblo were on the war path and news came to the governor from all quarters of approaching armies. The men from the Tanos pueblos were marching from the south, while the Tehuas had united near the Rio Tesuque and were hourly expected from the north. The city of Santa Fe was transformed into one great fortification. The outlying houses were abandoned, and all the inhabitants gathered in the plaza, the entrances to which were closed and fortified, and the palace put into condition to stand a siege. All recognized that it was a life and death struggle, for the war was one of extermination.

Before the preparations were completed, the Tanos Indians were seen marching over the plains from the south. The governor sent out envoys to endeavor to treat with them before their north-

112

ern allies appeared, but without success. They would only make peace on condition that the Spaniards should immediately leave the country. This attempt having failed, Otermin determined to make an attack and endeavor to gain a victory before the Tehuas should arrive; and an immediate sortie was therefore made. A desperate battle ensued, the Indians fighting with great energy, and the Spaniards having gradually to bring out their whole force to take part in the contest. The destruction of the natives was terrific, but by their superior numbers they were able to hold their ground, the fight continuing all through the day, until the appearance of the Tehuan army on the hills to the north of the city compelled Otermin to withdraw his forces within the walls and prepare for the combined attack to be expected on the morrow.

No such assault however took place; the Indians had learned discretion from their recent experience and preferred the surer and safer method of a regular siege. They invested the city closely on all sides, and then cut off the water supply, which soon produced great distress. The number of fighting men among the Spaniards was not great, and was being gradually reduced by wounds and fatigue, while the Pueblos were constantly re-enforced by fresh arrivals. As there was no hope of relief from without, and a continuance of the siege meant sure destruction, the Spaniards finally determined to make a sortie in force; and this was gallantly executed on August 19th, the Indians being forced back with the loss of forty-seven prisoners. But even such successes were too dearly bought, and though the Spaniards executed all the prisoners in the plaza, yet a council of war concluded that in view of their reduced condition and the scarcity of provisions it would be better to evacuate the town while the coast was clear. Preparations were accordingly made during the night of the 20th and at early dawn the next morning, the whole population mournfully left the town, and started on their long and toilsome march to the south. There were not even horses enough to carry the sick and wounded, so that all the women and children as well as the men had to proceed on foot, carrying all their personal prop-

113

erty, as well as provisions, in bundles on their backs. Meanwhile, the Indians stolidly viewed them from the surrounding hills, making no attack, but apparently well content so long as the intruders were leaving the country. They followed the retreating band for about seventy miles in order to see that they were actually proceeding south, and then returned to their homes to enjoy the independence in both civil and religious matters of which they had been deprived for nearly a century.

The Spaniards continued their march down the river, hoping to find their countrymen from the southern part of the province at Isleta; but were disappointed in this, as they had already left in charge of the lieutenant-governor for El Paso. The provisions were almost exhausted and none were to be found on the route, so that at length they were compelled to stop and send south for assistance. The call was responded to by Father Ayeta, of El Paso, who sent four wagon-loads of corn, and thus partially relieved, the fugitives continued their retreat, joining their southern brethren on the road, and finally selecting San Lorenzo, twelve leagues above El Paso, as their winter quarters. Here they built rude houses, but suffered many privations, both from cold and hunger, and lost a large fraction of their number who sought a less unhappy life in the villages of Chihuahua.

The Spaniards who were left behind in various parts of New Mexico, were with scarcely an exception killed after their countrymen had abandoned the country. Especially did the priests, against whom and the Christian religion the Pueblos were greatly incensed, suffered horrible deaths - those at Zuiii, Moqui, Jemez, and Acoma being among those thus left to a dreadful fate.

The Franciscan order never had suffered such a loss from the martyrdom of its members as at this time. No less than twenty-one gave up their lives on that fatal 10th of August, 1680. On the 1st of March of the succeeding year a great memorial service was held in the cathedral of the city of Mexico, in the presence of the viceroy and other high officials, when a commemorative sermon was preached by Doctor Ysidro Sariiiana y Cuenca, in which each of the twenty-one martyrs is named, together with

114

the place of his death. A copy of this sermon, printed in 1681, is in the possession of the Historical Society at Santa Fe, which has published a translation.
Thus in the brief space of a few weeks the work of years was undone, not a Spaniard remaining in freedom in the province, and the old Pueblo authority was everywhere supreme. The new rulers were determined to obliterate every trace of the domination of their enemies. At Santa Fe the churches and monastery of the Franciscans were burned amid the wildest acclamations. The gorgeous vestments of the priests were worn in derision by the natives and then destroyed. All the official documents and books were brought forth from the palace and burned in one vast bonfire in the plaza; and there also they danced the "caehina"- for many years prohibited - with all the superstitious ceremonies of the old religion. In every way possible their detestation of Christianity was shown. Those who had been baptized were washed with amole in the Santa Fe River, in order to be cleansed from the infection of Christianity. Baptismal names were discarded, Christian marriages annulled, the mention of the name of Jesus and Mary prohibited, and estufas were everywhere substituted for the destroyed churches. In addition to this, the use of the Spanish language was made an offense; and in order to prevent any possibility of the reestablishment of the slavery in the mines, every shaft was filled up and their very locations obliterated.

Pope, who had been the leader throughout the revolution, was now by common consent continued in authority; he established himself in the palace at Santa Fe. In anticipation of a Spanish invasion in the spring, he made a tour of all the Pueblo cities in order to cement the union among them and prepare for the approaching struggle. He showed much wisdom in his public administration but gradually became more and more arrogant and dictatorial until he created many enemies.
Meantime Governor Otermin was using every endeavor to organize an expedition to re-conquer the country. Lack of ammunition and provisions, and the long delays in obtaining the neces-

115

sary authorization, caused almost a year to pass before he was ready to march; but at length on November 5, 1681, he set out from Paso del Norte with 146 mounted soldiers, together with all the able bodied refugees and 112 friendly Indians, the entire party having nearly a thousand horses. He marched rapidly up the river, passing through Socorro and other villages, all of which were found burned and in ruins, and stopped at Isleta, where the remaining inhabitants, 1,157 in number, after brief resistance, returned to their allegiance to church and king. From here, on December 8th, he sent a company of picked cavalry under General Mendoza to reconnoitre the country to the north; and he, rapidly proceeding up the valley, found only deserted pueblos, the inhabitants of which fled at his approach.
He arrived as far as Cochiti without meeting an enemy, but there found the Indians in force, on the surrounding hills, under command of Catiti. Several days were occupied in negotiations for peace, the Indians meanwhile constantly increasing in number, until Mendoza, suspecting treachery, deemed it wise to return to the main army, which he met at Sandia. Meanwhile the weather had become very severe, and the provisions being nearly exhausted it was thought best to return to Isleta for the winter; but on arriving there, it was found that the men were so greatly enfeebled that the retreat was continued to El Paso, where they arrived about the middle of February; the re-Christianized Indians of Isleta, to the number of 385, accompanying them for fear of the vengeance of the other Pueblos.

This failure on the part of Otermin seems to have led to his removal as governor, Bartolome de Estrada Ramirez being appointed in his place in 1683. The latter did not even attempt a re-conquest, and in August of the same year was succeeded by Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, who organized at least two important expeditions, and many others of less interest, and in 1689 penetrated as far as Zia, but did not succeed in any permanent occupation.
Thus for a number of years the country was left in the possession of its aboriginal inhabitants - but after the first patriotic

116

fervor had cooled, dissensions arose among them, and during almost the entire period, a state of war existed between more or less of the pueblos. They suffered for lack of corn, caused by droughts and by inattention to planting; and the consequent famine caused the desertion of a number of towns, and the destruction of others, supposed to be well-supplied, by their more hungry neighbors. In short, this people who had ruled themselves so admirably down to the time of the Spanish occupation, seemed during the half century of their subjugation to have forgotten their old wisdom and become entirely unfitted for self government ; and thus, instead of consolidating their power, they prepared the way by dissension and mutual destruction, for an easy re-conquest by their enemies.

The Pecos, Queres, and Taos Indians waged war against the Tehuas and Tanos. At one time Pope was superseded by Tupatu as chief executive; but Pope was reinstated and continued in power till he died, when Tupatu was chosen as his successor.