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EDMUND G. ROSS (1885)

The Democratic party having regained power by the election of Grover Cleveland as president, Edmund G. Ross was appointed governor, and assumed office June 15, 1885. It had been so long since the advent of a Democratic governor (Governor Rencher was the last, twenty-five years before), that his friends considered the new official as a special deliverer from oppression, and remembering the Pueblo tradition that Montezuma would some time appear at break of day to bless his people, Governor Ross took the oath of office exactly at sunrise, in the palace, Governor Sheldon having been roused from his slumbers for that purpose. Unfortunately these high hopes were doomed to disappointment, as his administration was quite barren of result.

Governor Ross was a man of strong opinions and courage, of the temperament that rather rejoices in opposition and spurns the idea of being influenced by numbers or circumstances. In early life he left Wisconsin to take part in the free state movement in Kansas and was an active participant in the border war of those days. In 1861 he naturally entered the Union army, did active duty as captain and major, and made an enviable record. From 1867 to 1871 he was United States senator, filling the unexpired term of Senator James H. Lane. It was then that he met the crisis of his life, in the impeachment trial of President Johnson. Party feeling was at fever heat and the Republicans of Kansas were practically unanimous in opposition to Johnson. Senator Ross believed that a political conviction would revolutionize the government and utterly destroy it, and in the face of a storm of opposition he had the courage to cast the decisive vote which ended the impeachment. His enemies attributed this to every bad motive, including corruption, and he left office with scarcely a friend. As governor he had the same disregard for public opinion, for conciliation and success that he showed in the Senate. Absolutely honest and well-meaning, but proud of his firmness, he antagonized his own party as well as the Republican legislature, and was soon powerless to accomplish anything. Party spirit ran high, and as between the governor and the legis-

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lature each seemed bent on embarrassing the other. The judiciary however was still independent. When Governor Ross attempted to repeat the mistake made by Governor Wallace, by removing an official duly confirmed by the Council, in violation of law, the Democratic courts were as prompt in rebuking this assumption of arbitrary power by a governor of their own party as the Republican courts in 1880 had been in the case of a Republican governor. The idea that the executive could interfere with the judiciary or legislative branch of the government was not yet entertained.

The laws of 1889, so far as the executive action thereon is concerned, are a curiosity. Under other governors there may be one or two laws during each session passed over a veto, and one or two becoming valid'' by limitation'' without the signature of the governor. In 1889 there were in all 145 laws enacted. Of the first 45, Governor Ross approved 26, three were passed over his veto, and 16 became valid by limitation The relations between the governor and the legislature being more and more strained, we find that of the last 100 laws he approved only 21, nine being passed over vetoes and 70 becoming valid without action by the governor. This is a unique record.

Three important laws were passed by the legislature, one establishing a university, an agricultural college, a school of mines, and an insane asylum; Chapter 30, establishing a financial system for the territory; and Chapter 99, providing for a constitutional convention. Chapter 30 was the first attempt to introduce any system into the finances of New Mexico and it stands as a monument to the good sense of Pedro Perea who introduced it. Chapter 99 was an intelligent attempt to obtain statehood, and is further treated of elsewhere. The act establishing four territorial institutions was good in its object but unfortunate in its method. It was a log-rolled measure, passed by uniting enough local interests to control a majority of votes, and therefore without any consideration of general benefit and proper selection of locality. An insane asylum should obviously be in a low altitude favorable to nervous diseases. A separate school of mines was

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entirely unnecessary as the needed instruction should be part of the university work. The agricultural college with its experiment station should be in the center of the territory and at an average altitude, in order to be of use to all; instead of which it was located in the extreme south and lowest altitude, so that its experiments are no guide for nine-tenths of New Mexico. Lastly, by having the university and agricultural college together, each would be benefited and much unnecessary duplication of instruction and experiments avoided.

On January 9, 1886, at a meeting of lawyers, presided over by Hon. H. L. Waldo, the Bar Association of New Mexico was organized, with nineteen members and the following officers: President, William A. Vincent; vice-presidents, L. B. Prince, W. H. Whiteman, and J. I. Bail; secretary, F .W. Clancy; treasurer, Eugene A. Fiske. Since then it has continually increased in membership and influence, and has become a recognized power in legislation. Its membership is now over a hundred and fifty.

L. BRADFORD PRINCE (1889)

The election of President Harrison returned the Republicans to power and L. Bradford Prince was appointed governor. Being the first appointee in many years taken from permanent residents of the territory, the choice created much enthusiasm and the inauguration on April 17th, on the west side of the capitol, was the most brilliant that New Mexico had seen. From long legislative experience in New York, an active judicial career in New Mexico, and a thorough acquaintance with local conditions, Governor Prince was saved from mistakes otherwise almost unavoidable, and was enabled to subordinate politics to material interests and thus secure important benefits for the people.

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Public education was the most important consideration. The university, agricultural college, and school of mines were immediately built and opened, by boards appointed by the governor and of which he was an active member; and during his administration the normal institutions at Silver City and at Las Vegas, and the military institute at Roswell were established. Even more important to the people at large was the inauguration of a modern public school system for the whole territory, with a superintendent of public instruction at its head. Under this system the cause of general education has advanced with remarkable rapidity down to the present. For the important position of superintendent, the governor selected Amado Chaves, a man of education and tact, thoroughly in harmony with advanced ideas and methods. The native New Mexican people had larger recognition in important appointments than ever before.

A convention to formulate a state constitution was elected in August and commenced its session September 3, 1889. Unfortunately, owing to dissatisfaction with the apportionment of members, the chairman of the Democratic committee, Mr. Child-ers, advised his party friends to take no part in the election and consequently but one prominent Democrat, Judge L. S. Trimble, participated in the convention, and very few advocated the excellent constitution which was submitted to the people. The result was its rejection by a decisive vote and a long delay in the attainment of statehood.

The most pressing matter then pending in New Mexico was the settlement of its land grant titles. For years Congress had been importuned to take action, but in vain. As increased immigration and prosperity were impossible under this incubus of uncertainty, the governor finally appointed a committee of fifty to go to Washington and endeavor to obtain favorable action. Twenty-five actually went, paying their own expenses. They arrived on April 25, 1890, and remained a month, with the governor as chairman. They appeared before congressional committees, cabinet officers, and the president, and induced the latter to send a special message to Congress on the subject on July 1st.

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The result was the establishment of the Court of Private Land Claims by an act approved March 3, 1891. This court consisted of seven judges, continued in existence until June 30, 1904, and finally settled all grant titles in the Southwest and thus gave that section a chance for permanent prosperity. The claims confirmed amounted to 2,051,526 acres, and those rejected reached 33,439,493 acres.

This period was one of unusual business prosperity. All the principal industries of the territory were fostered and flourished. The public finances were very satisfactory. In 1890 the territorial auditor reported a surplus of $40,000 in the treasury which was used to reduce outstanding indebtedness. The reduction of the bonded debt of the territory began at this time, $30,000 of penitentiary bonds being paid off and cancelled. So high was the credit of New Mexico that the territory had to pay 117 for the bonds thus paid off, as they had a number of years to run.

On March 20, 1891, after the adjournment of the legislature, without making a legislative apportionment based on the new census, Governor Prince proceeded, in accordance with law, to make such apportionment and announced the same by proclamation. This delicate duty was so fairly and equitably performed that the apportionment thus made continued in force for nearly sixteen years, without a word of objection or criticism. On May 12,1892, the beautiful capitol building in Santa Fe was destroyed by fire, probably of incendiary origin. Almost all the public documents of value were saved, including the Spanish and Mexican archives. The governor's office was transferred to its old home in the palace, and the other territorial officials found temporary accommodations until the completion of the new capitol in 1900.

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WILLIAM T. THORNTON (1893)

President Harrison having failed of reelection and Grover Cleveland being again president of the United States, a Democrat was naturally to be appointed governor in the spring of 1893, and the choice fell on William T. Thornton, who had been a resident of New Mexico since 1877, and prominent in legislative and legal affairs.
Through his entire administration he devoted himself to the punishment of crime, especially of murders, which had become alarmingly frequent, often in connection with politics. Two of these cases were especially conspicuous, that of Francisco Chaves, sheriff of Santa Fe county, and of John Dougherty, former sheriff of Mora. There was also a flagrant murder at the bridge in Las Vegas and the mysterious disappearance of a man named Silva and his family in the same town. Around each of these cases clustered other crimes that were developed as investigation proceeded. In every instance the guilty parties were finally discovered, and the vigor of the prosecutions did much to stop the wave of crime that seemed flowing over the territory. Nineteen criminals were executed during the four years' term, and a large number of convictions for crimes punishable by imprisonment were obtained.

Governor Thornton was much hampered in his official action by the jealousies and ambitions of many of the leading Democrats, which made any unity of action impossible. In one legislative Council three Democratic members were candidates for the same official position, and each insisted on immediate appointment as the price of his support. While he was absent in Washington to prevent presidential interference with the execution of the Chaves murderers, the secretary as acting-governor appointed a number of important officials and had them confirmed before the governor's return. Everyone admitted his good intentions and appreciated his energy, but he could never rely on loyal support.

The Columbian Exposition at Chicago was held in 1893 and New Mexico was very creditably represented there by a territorial building and a fine display of its varied products. It

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gained a valuable reputation by exhibiting the finest oats in the United States and the best wheat in the entire world, and receiving prizes accordingly.

As an outgrowth of work for this exposition, a unique organization, known as the Woman's Board of Trade, was formed in Santa Fe in 1903. From that time it has done the principal civic work in that city. It has entire charge of the plaza, attends to the public charities, manages the cemetery which it has greatly- improved, and has erected a fine library building in which it conducts a free circulating library.

In 1895 the legislature passed an act for the rebuilding of the capitol by a commission appointed by the governor. The sum of $75,000 was appropriated for that purpose, together with the use of old capitol material and of convict labor.

MIGUEL A. OTERO (1897)

The appointment of Governor Otero was as much of a surprise to himself as to others. He went to Washington as a candidate for marshal, but that position not being available, the application was changed to secretary. President McKinley was anxious to appoint as governor his old friend and neighbor in Canton, Ohio, George H. Wallace, then sojourning in Santa Fe, and it was practically decided that Wallace should be governor and Otero secretary, when strong opposition was made to the Wallace appointment on the ground that he was not a bona fide citizen of New Mexico. The president then concluded to reverse the positions, with the idea that the two officials would work together and the result be practically all that he desired. This plan proved a failure from the beginning, and was definitely ended by the death of Secretary Wallace, who was succeeded by James W. Kaynolds.

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The most important event in this administration was the participation of New Mexicans in the Spanish-American War. Immediately after the proclamation of the president calling for 125,000 volunteers, there was a rush of New Mexicans to enter the military service. Five times the number called for could easily have been obtained. The only difficulty experienced was from the number of applicants for every official position.

The quota assigned to New Mexico consisted of four troops of a regiment commanded by Leonard Wood as colonel and Theodore Roosevelt as lieutenant-colonel, and universally known as the Rough Riders; and they were mustered into the service with great promptitude in Santa Fe. The commissioned officers were as follows:

Major, Henry B. Hersey
Troop E - Captain, Frederick Muller
First Lieutenant, William E. Griffin,
Second Lieutenant, Sherrard Coleman.
Troop F - Captain, Maximiliano Luna,
First Lieutenant, Horace W. Weakley,
Second Lieutenant, William E. Dame.
Troop G - Captain, W. H. H. Llewellyn,
First Lieutenant, John Wesley Green,
Second Lieutenant, David L. Leahy.
Troop H - Captain, George Curry,
First Lieutenant, William H. Kelly,
Second Lieutenant, Charles L. Ballard.

The regiment was brought together at San Antonio, Texas, and from there, on May 29, 1898, forwarded to Tampa en route to Cuba. One company had to remain in Florida, and the troop of Captain Curry encountered that bad fortune. No one regretted this loss of the opportunity for danger and glory more than themselves. The others embarked on June 14th, and on the 22d landed on the island near Santiago. The rest of their career is national history, and no brighter page is to be found than that which chronicles the gallantry of the New Mexico troops at Las Guasimas and San Juan Hill. According to the colonel's own

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statement, the first standards planted on the summit were those of the three troops from the Sunshine State.

Under the second call for volunteers, a battalion of four companies marched forth from New Mexico. They were mustered into the service in July, 1898, and remained in camp in Kentucky and Georgia for a considerable time, but had no opportunity actually to meet the enemy. This, however, should not detract from their reputation, as they were always not only ready but anxious for active service. Their officers were as follows:

Company E, Albuquerque. Captain, John Borradaile,
First Lieutenant, L. H. Chamberlin,
Second Lieutenant, L. A. McCrea.
Company F, Las Vegas. Captain, W. C. Reid,
First Lieutenant, W. O. Morrison,
Second Lieutenant, A. Luntzel.
Company G, Santa Fe. Captain, William Strover,
First Lieutenant, Page B. Otero,
Second Lieutenant, J. P. S. Mennett.
Company H, Las Cruces. Captain, A. B. Fall,
First Lieutenant, J. W. Catron,
Second Lieutenant, N. E. Bailey.

During this administration the territory continued to increase in population, especially by the settlement of the eastern portion and the Estancia Valley, which had been considered sections only adapted to grazing, but which under the improved system of dry farming were rapidly covered with homesteads. There were constant attempts to secure statehood, as will be more fully stated in a separate chapter.

The most important legislation was the passage by Congress of the act of June 21, 1898, championed by Delegate H. B. Fergus-son, donating to the territory large areas of public lands for edu-

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cational and other purposes, in advance of statehood; this being in partial reparation for the injustice done by Congress in continuing to deprive New Mexico of self-government.

At the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha in 1898 and the great Louisiana Purchase Exposition at St. Louis in 1904, the territory was officially represented and made very creditable exhibitions of its resources and products.

In 1900 the new capitol was completed, in a very satisfactory and creditable manner; and on June 4th was formally opened, with an address by ex-Governor Prince.
This administration itself was essentially a political one and introduced methods to enforce and perpetuate its power unknown in New Mexico for many years, the result being a compact political organization which included officials of every character. These methods and the expense necessarily entailed by them naturally provoked opposition, and appeals to Washington in the form of charges were frequent. By organized action and the skilful use of personal influences, however, the governor continued in office until the beginning of 1906, when the president appointed Mr. Hagerman in his place.

HERBERT J. HAGERMAN (1906)

Governor Hagerman was a comparatively young man, whose experience in public life consisted of a brief service as assistant secretary of legation in St. Petersburg under Ambassador Hitchcock, since secretary of the interior. His father, J. J. Hagerman, was the largest property owner in the Pecos Valley, and had done very much for the development of that section.

The new governor was of liberal education and high ideals, and had every desire to conduct a creditable administration and inaugurate for himself a successful public career. It was understood that he was appointed with the definite idea of reforming

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alleged abuses. But, lacking in experience and so self-confident as to deprecate advice, his position was difficult if not dangerous, and he was naturally looked upon with distrust if not enmity by the adherents of the old organization which his appointment displaced.

Friction soon arose and his enemies watched for an opportunity to dislodge the governor whom they could not control. Before very long this presented itself in an act which though well-intended and practically right, was yet technically incorrect. The "organization" pressed this advantage both in New Mexico and Washington, and finally induced the president to call for the governor's resignation. It was the almost universal sentiment, that in its manner if not in its substance, this action of the impulsive president was ungenerous and unjust toward his own appointee, who had incurred enmity by following his instructions, and whose lack of experience was as well known before his appointment as afterwards.

GEORGE CURRY (1907)

The new governor was George Curry, Rough Rider captain, official in the Philippines, and personal friend of President Roosevelt, who assumed office on August 8, 1907.

Governor Curry had always been a Democrat of the Southern type, and had held many offices in New Mexico, including that of president of the legislative Council. In the Spanish War he had been a captain of a company but unfortunately had no opportunity to see service in Cuba. Afterwards in the Philippines he was chief of police in Manila, and governor of Samar, and in all positions achieved an excellent reputation. He was a worshiper of Roosevelt, and at the time in question called himself a Roosevelt Republican.

As governor he showed marked ability in conciliating adverse

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interests, was amiable, frank, and helpful, and untiring in endeavoring to make the office useful to the people. He took much interest in securing public lands for the territory, in promoting immigration, and in good roads, and was indefatigable in visiting all sections of the territory that required any attention. Accustomed to outdoor life, nothing was so oppressive as office work; and with an extremely active temperament he seemed- at times almost to live on the railroads and to be in Washington nearly as much as Santa Fe.

It was over these Washington trips that friction first arose between the secretary of the interior and the governor, and this gradually increased until the president in November, 1909, decided to make a new appointment and offered the position to William J. Mills, who for twelve years had been chief justice of New Mexico. The appointment of Governor Mills was confirmed on December 20th, but in accordance with the formal resignation of Governor Curry, the change, in the office did not take place till March 1, 1910. It was during this administration that the Spanish-American Normal School at El Rito was founded, in March, 1909.

WILLIAM J. MILLS (1910)

Governor Mills came to the gubernatorial office well equipped for its duties. He had legislative experience in both houses of the Connecticut legislature, and had been chief justice of New Mexico since 1898. This experience not only gave facility in disposing of most administrative questions but a poise and tact which smoothed many difficulties.

Much of his term of office was occupied by matters connected with the transition to statehood. On June 20, 1910, the enabling act was signed by the president. This was followed by the

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preparations for the election of a constitutional convention, and that election itself on September 6th. The governor, chief justice, and secretary constituted a commission to apportion the delegates among the respective counties, and this duty was performed on June 28th and the election proclamation was issued the next day. The convention contained 100 delegates, and as elected consisted of 71 Republicans and 29 Democrats. Charles A. Spiess, of Las Vegas, was elected president. The convention met on October 3, 1910, was in session till November 21st, and formulated a constitution good in most of its provisions, but not containing the new theories rife at the time and then called "progressive." The section as to amendments was especially objectionable on account of the difficulties that it placed in the way of future constitutional changes. The constitution was very satisfactory in guarding with extreme care the rights of Spanish-speaking citizens.
The vote of the people on the adoption of the constitution was taken on January 21, 1911, when the result as recorded was 31,742 in favor and 13,399 against. While this is not an accurate expression of the people's will, because unfortunately in a few counties over-zealous friends of statehood prevented any ballots against the constitution being circulated or cast, yet even with a liberal calculation of the votes thus suppressed, the majority in favor of the proposition was many thousands. There was much discussion and delay in Congress, but finally the resolution admitting New Mexico and Arizona was passed, and signed by the president on August 21st. The only proviso, so far as New Mexico was concerned, was that at the first election the people should vote on the proposition to facilitate the making of amendments to the constitution. As the congressional resolution provided that this question should be voted on separately, by a ballot printed on blue paper, the question was commonly called "The Blue Ballot."

The final acquisition of the long-fought-for boon of statehood brought new duties to the governor, upon whom it devolved to fix the date of the first state election and give notice thereof by proclamation. This was accordingly done, the day selected be-

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ing November 7th. Instantly political activity was rife throughout the state, everyone desiring to take part in the first state election. With many it was the first opportunity they had ever had to vote for a governor or for a regular member of Congress.

Both parties made strenuous efforts to carry the state at its first election. The Republican convention, confident of victory, met at Las Vegas on September 28th, and the Democratic at Santa Fe on October 2d. Had wise counsels prevailed at Las Vegas there was no doubt of Republican success. But several circumstances weakened the chances for the ticket nominated. The insistence on Hon. H. O. Bursum as candidate for governor, when he had evident elements of weakness, an unfortunate and impassioned address raising the "race issue," by Mr. O. A. Larrazola, until recently a Democratic leader, and the arbitrary manner in which the remainder of the ticket was dictated, were chiefly responsible for the subsequent defeat. The Democratic convention was less confident, and perhaps therefore more careful. It nominated William C. McDonald, of Lincoln county, for governor and placed two progressive Republicans on the ticket.

The succeeding campaign was brief but vigorous, and the number of '' split'' tickets cast and the wide difference in the aggregate votes of the leading candidates, show that the people cast their first state ballot with a care and study most commendable and encouraging. The '' blue ballot'' amendment received a much larger majority than any individual candidate, 34,897 to 23,831, which is surprising, because as a rule it is difficult to arouse the interest of voters in an abstract proposition. Of the principal officers, the Democrats elected the governor, lieutenant-governor. one congressman, superintendent of public instruction, secretary of state, and treasurer; and the Republicans the attorney-general, auditor, one congressman, the commissioner of public lands, and two of the three supreme judges. The total vote cast was 60,842.

Nothing now remained for the territorial government which had existed so long but to end its days with dignity and grace.

On January 6, 1912, the president signed the proclamation admitting New Mexico into the American Union.

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On January 15th, at noon, the first governor of the state of New Mexico took the oath of office, and the territorial authority, which had existed for over sixty years, was at an end. The ceremonies were dignified and appropriate. Governor Mills made an address, largely a review of the past; Governor McDonald took the oath which made him the chief executive of the state, and delivered his inaugural address, which looked to the future and what it held for the welfare of New Mexico and its people.

The flag of the nation waved from the dome of the capitol, directly over the actors in this great political drama.
The band burst into the exultant strain of patriotic music.
The New State was born. The Territory was no more.
The self-governing People began their career and their history.
The Past, with the finished story of almost four centuries of adventure, of trial, of achievement, closed its book.

CHAPTER XXII
The Texan Invasion of 1862

Once and once only since the American occupation, has what may be called civilized warfare invaded the territory and disturbed its peace, and that was in 1862, the second year of the War of the Rebellion. The record of New Mexico in that war is one of which she can be proud. Although her population was almost entirely of a nationality once foreign, and had had scarcely any communication with the other portions of the country, yet, when the shock of war came, it was found, with very few exceptions, loyal to the Union. This was especially the case with the native population; among the "Americans" the majority were from Missouri and neighboring states and were not altogether to be depended upon, but the "Mexican'7 element presented an almost unbroken front to the enemy.

During the winter of 1861-2, the Confederate leaders arranged a comprehensive programme of campaign for the Far West, which was intended to have the very important result of separating the Pacific states from the rest of the country, and finally taking possession of them with their long line of sea-coast and wealth of gold. The plan was to send an army northerly from Texas to conquer New Mexico and to take possession of the great stores of government arms and munitions at Fort Union, and then to proceed into Colorado, thus cutting all the lines of communication between the East and the Far West; and afterwards making a junction with the Mormons of Utah, whom they hoped to have as allies, and with them march to California. The importance of this campaign can hardly be over-estimated, for it was intended not only to secure to the Confederacy the long unguarded coastline, which it so much needed, but by greatly extending its terri-

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tory to give it vastly increased prestige in the eyes of the nations of Europe.

Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, when secretary of war, had arranged for the betrayal of the Union troops in New Mexico, by putting in command Colonel W. W. Loring and George B. Crittenden, both of whom, when the Rebellion opened, abandoned their trusts and went to Texas after vainly endeavoring to seduce the men under their command. About the same time Alexander M. Jackson, the. secretary of the territory, deserted his office and withdrew to Texas.

The first actual military operations were in July, 1861, when Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor, marching into New Mexico from El Paso, occupied Fort Bliss and took possession of Mesilla. Fort Fillmore was the first important army post north of Mesilla, being forty miles from El Paso, and was then in charge of Major Isaac Lynde with over 400 Union troops. For no good reason and against the indignant protests of his loyal officers and men, he basely abandoned the fort on July 27th and soon after ignominiously surrendered his entire command to Colonel Baylor. In an official report he attempted to justify his action, but for his cowardice or treachery he was dismissed from the army and there is little doubt of his disloyalty. Major James Cooper McKee, army surgeon, in his narrative of the surrender says that old soldiers and strong men wept like children when thus compelled to lay down their arms.

On August 1st Colonel Baylor issued a proclamation organizing a new territory which he named Arizona, to consist of all the part of New Mexico south of the 34th parallel of latitude, as a portion of the Confederate States, providing a fundamental law for its government, and announcing himself as governor. During the fall the Texan forces were gathered at El Paso, and by New Year included 2,300 men, commanded by General H. H. Sibley, who was another officer that had been stationed in New Mexico and abandoned the service of his country in its hour of need.

On December 20th General Sibley issued a proclamation, skillfully worded to seduce the New Mexican people from their alle-

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giance to the Union, and also offering inducements to military officers and soldiers to desert their flag, which was distributed as widely as possible but with little or no effect.

The native people of New Mexico with very few exceptions were thoroughly loyal to the Union throughout the entire war. The territorial legislature authorized Governor Connelly to call out the whole force of the territory for the protection of its soil and people, and the governor himself, who had been appointed from among the old residents of New Mexico, was faithful and active in his endeavor to support the government. At the close of the session of the legislature the Council and House issued an address of the people, signed by Facundo Pino, president, and J. M. Gallegos, speaker, and dated January 29, 1862, calling on them in most stirring and patriotic language to rally to the defense of the country against the invaders.

On the defection of Colonel Loring in 1861, General Canby, a brave and patriotic officer, was placed in command of the department, with Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts next in rank; and under them in the spring of 1862 were 900 men all told. Two regiments of New Mexico volunteers were raised, of one of which Ceran St. Vrain was colonel, Kit Carson, lieutenant-colonel, and J. Francisco Chaves, major; the other being commanded by Colonel Miguel Pino.

The Union force was concentrated at Fort Craig, when in February the Southern army under General Sibley, about 2,500 strong, appeared in the valley of the Rio Grande. Sibley attempted to gain a position which commanded the fort, and Canby endeavored to cut off the enemy from a water supply, the various skirmishes culminating in the battle of Valverde on the east side of the Rio Grande, on February 21st, when Canby's army failed in its object and he was forced to re-cross the river to Fort Craig. Sibley then marched up the valley and occupied Albuquerque; and there being no means of resistance at hand, the United States officials evacuated Santa Fe on March 3d, and retired to Fort Union, Sibley's army occupying the capital a week later.

Meanwhile, Governor Gilpin had sent the First regiment of

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Colorado volunteers, under Colonel John P. Slough, southward from Denver to the aid of the threatened territory; and after a hard march, they arrived at Fort Union on March 11th, where they were thoroughly armed and equipped, and whence they inarched with very little delay along the old trail towards Santa Fe. They were joined by a few companies of regular troops that had been in the north of the territory, and by a considerable number of volunteers, and on the 20th of March met the advancing Confederate army at Apache Canon or Glorieta. The battle fought here, though hardly known to history, was the decisive conflict wThich settled the result of the war in the Rocky Mountain country. On the first day only a part of each army was engaged, and the contest though stubborn and long continued was indecisive.

Early in the next morning, Captain Manuel Chaves led four hundred men under Major J. M. Chivington by a circuitous and difficult path to the rear of the Confederate position. In the main battle which was fiercely contested and which lasted for five hours, Sibley succeeded in driving the Union soldiers back some distance to Koslowsky's ranch, but at this moment Chivington fell upon the rear of the Confederate force and destroyed its wagons and supplies. The news of this loss demoralized the Texan army, the fate of the day was changed, and Sibley commenced a retreat southerly, evacuating Santa Fe on April 8th, and proceeding down the valley. He was closely followed, and was greatly embarrassed by want of supplies; on April 15th, at Peralta, he was attacked by the Union forces and suffered considerable loss and was forced to retreat as rapidly as possible to El Paso to avoid capture. At this battle of Peralta the New Mexican company commanded by Major Jose D. Sena gained special credit.

For several days the contending armies were within sight of each other, on opposite sides of the river, and General Canby was criticized for not pressing his advantage vigorously and capturing the retreating Texans. But his loyalty and skill are above question, and it is evident that he was well content to have the invaders leave the territory, without incumbering himself with the care of prisoners whom he had no means to support.

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This ended the campaign, and indeed was the end of the war in New Mexico so far as organized enemies were concerned. In July, the first detachments of the "California Column," which had marched across the deserts of Arizona, reached Fort Thorne, and soon after the main body under General James H. Carleton arrived at Mesilla. This column included the First and Fifth regiments of California infantry, five companies of the First California cavalry, Company B of the Second California cavalry, and a light battery of United States artillery. In all it included about 2,350 men, and its remarkable march across the desert from the Pacific to the Rio Grande is one of the most gallant achievements of the entire war.
This "California Column" as a whole consisted of an exceptionally fine body of men whose presence prevented further inroads, if they had been intended, and for many years after the war it was still represented in the territory by prominent and substantial citizens who had made New Mexico their home.
The alacrity with which the people of New Mexico flocked to the standard of the Union and enlisted in the cause of their country, during the years from 1861 to 1865, will always be a source of pride to the Sunshine State. Less than fifteen years had elapsed from the time of the American occupation under General Kearny when the great war was forced upon the country. It might have been thought that the time was too short for the growth of a general spirit of American patriotism and loyalty. But the actual events formed the best answer to such misgivings. The soldiers' monument, erected by order of the three legislatures immediately succeeding the war, in the center of the plaza at Santa Fe, fitly commemorated the loyalty and bravery of those who fell in defense of the Union in the various battles of this New Mexican campaign of 1862. The inscriptions on the east, south, and west sides are as follows:
East: Erected by the people of New Mexico, through their Legislatures of 1866-7-8. May the Union be perpetual.

South: To the Heroes of the Federal Armv who fell at the

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battle of Valverde, fought with the rebels February 21, 1862.

West: To the Heroes of the Federal Army who fell at the battles of Canon del Apache and Pigeons Rancho (La Glorieta), fought with the rebels March 28, 1862, and to those who fell at the battle fought with the Rebels at Peralta, April 15, 1862.

The people showed themselves as loyal as any in the nation. During the Rebellion, out of her total population of 93,567 they sent 6,561 men into the armv. The value of that service to the Union cause can scarcely be overestimated. The total number of volunteers from the territories now comprising the six states of North Dakota, South Dakota, Washington, Montana, Idaho, and Wyoming, was 1,170. Colorado sent but 4,903, and Nebraska, Oregon, and Nevada taken together contributed but 6,047, being 500 less than New Mexico alone. In fact, the official statistics show that no state of the Union contributed such a percentage of its population to the Union army as did New Mexico. Surely, this is a record of which her children can be proud.

An interesting episode connected with this invasion is found in the fact that, when the American officers were entirely without funds, owing to the lack of rapid communication with the East, the person from whom they secured the necessary money to meet the immediate exigencies of the army wras the governor of the pueblo of Isleta, a very intelligent and fine looking Indian, named Ambrosio Abeyta. He was considered at the time to be the wealthiest Pueblo Indian in the territory; and without any hesitation he furnished the American paymaster with $18,000 in specie, merely taking his receipt in recognition of the obligation. Years passed without his making any claim upon the government for this amount, as he imagined that it would be returned without request on his part, when it was convenient to the national authorities. But after waiting twelve years, he concluded to make a trip to Washington on the subject, and proceeded there accompanied by his nearest friend, Alejandro Padilla, who was also for a number of years governor of Isleta, and by John Ward,

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at one time United States Indian agent. It is gratifying to know that through the personal interest of General Grant, then president of the United States, he received the amount so generously loaned in the time of need, with the thanks of the government.

Don Amado Chaves, then a clerk in the pension office at Washington, was detailed to escort the two patriotic Indians to their home in New Mexico.