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CHAPTER III
The Pueblo Indians

Turning now, from the aborigines, as they existed before the European discovery, where much is conjecture and uncertain tradition, we come to the native people of New Mexico as they have existed in what we may term historic times.

The earliest views we have of them are not continuous, but rather like the glimpses of a landscape by flashes of lightning in the darkness of the night. We have a momentary view as Marcos de Niza saw from afar the terraced houses and the busy people of Cibola, in 1539. Two years pass, and the historians of Coronado 's expedition give us the first intelligent account of the people and the extent of their territory, though naturally from the point of view of the soldier, as they appeared in 1541-42. Then over a generation passes by before we have another glimpse, in the record from the pen of Espejo- the first narrator who was interested in the home life and the religion of the people. That was in 1583; and then again there is silence and darkness for fifteen years, until Onate comes with permanent colonization in 1598, and the Indians become known to us as other nations are.

The brave captains of Coronado's army penetrated westward to the Canon of the Colorado, northward to Taos, eastward far across the great plains, and southward to the towns below Isleta; Espejo covered the same ground, as well as the lower Rio Grande Valley, with greater care and patience of research; Onate learned to know the people, not as an invader or a traveler, but as a neighbor and co-worker. So, from the narrations of the three, we can gain a very fair idea of the native New Mexicans as they existed before changed by foreign influence. In the time of Coronado's expedition, according to the list

given by Castaiieda, he had knowledge of seventy-one towns or pueblos, which he designated as follows: Cibola, 7; Tusayan, 7; Aeuco, 1; Tihuex, 12; Tutahaco, 8; Quirix, 7; Snowy Mountains, 7; Ximena, 3; Cicuyc, 1; Jemez, 7; Aguas Calientes, 3; Yuque-yunque, 6; Valladolid, called Braba, 1; Chia, 1.

Espejo, in his description of the country, forty years afterward, reports about the same number, though somewhat differently arranged. His list contains the following: On the Rio Grande below Albuquerque, 10; Tihuas, 16; province east of Rio

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Grande, 11; Quires, 5; Cunames (Zia, etc.), 5; Amies or Amejes (Jemez), 7; Acoma, 1; Cibola, 6; Hubates, 5; Tamos, 3; besides some referred to but without exact names or numbers.

After the colonization by Onate we have a multitude of names, some of which are confusing, because the name of the same saint in certain cases is given to different towns at different times. Quite soon, however, the names begin to appear more in their modern form; and we can conclude that the number of towns or pueblos was about the same as enumerated in the days of Coronado and Espejo, that is to say from 70 to 75.

Today there exist but 19 in all, 18 in the valley of the Rio Grande and its tributaries, and one at Zufii; thus showing a great diminution in number since the advent of the Europeans. This can be accounted for in various ways. In the first place it was the policy of the Spanish government, after the occupation of the country, to consolidate the Indian population in a comparatively small number of villages or pueblos, for various reasons, both political and religious. By this means they were the more easily watched and controlled, and at the same time, by grouping them around a mission church in each community, the prospect for proselyting was improved. Then came the revolution of 1680, and the extraordinary reduction in the Indian numbers and power during the brief period of their control. Mutual jealousies and the struggle for subsistence which followed successive failures of crops, caused almost constant wars, which resulted in the destruction or abandonment of many of the pueblos. We have an exact list in the record of the re-conquest and subsequent reconstruction of the country, and it differs very little from that which exists today. An official list, made by Governor Mendoza in 1742, gives the names as follows, exclusive of the Moquis: "Taos, Picuries, San Juan, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara, Pojuaque, Nambe, and Tesuque, north of Santa Fe; Pecos east, and Galisteo south of Santa Fe; Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Santa Ana, Zia, Jemez, Laguna, Acoma, Zufii, and Isleta, south or west of Santa Fe.''

In 1796 and 1798 the Franciscan priests in charge made reports of the Indian population, in which the list of pueblos is exactly similar to the above, except that Galisteo is dropped, and Sandia, Abiquiu, and Belen appear for the first time. These are proper changes, as Galisteo had been abandoned in the meantime and the inhabitants had retired to Santo Domingo, where many of them had married; and Sandia had been established. As this is the only instance of the establishment of a new pueblo

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in modern times, the history of the movement is worthy our attention. In 1748, Friar Menchero, the commissary general, who had been engaged in missionary work for six years, wrote to the governor stating that he had "converted and gained over 350 souls from here to the Puerco River, which I have brought from the Moqui pueblos; bringing with me the cacique of these Moqui pueblos for the purpose of establishing their pueblo at the place called Sandia, and he asked for possession of the land at that point, "so as to prevent any converts from returning to apostasy.'' Thereupon, the governor acceded to the request, and the new pueblo was established in due form by the name of "Our Lady of Sorrows and Saint Anthony of Sandia.''

At Abiquiu and Belen, the Indians were mingled with a considerable Spanish population, but the old buildings on the hill at the former place are called to this day "The Pueblo'' by the people in the vicinity. As the Indians at those two points did not receive grants of land from the Spanish government, and kept up no regular organization, they are sometimes included and sometimes omitted in the enumeration of the pueblos. The Indian population as returned by those two reports was 9,453 in 1796, and 9,732 in 1798.

A few years later, in 1805, Governor Alencaster caused a complete census to be made of the province, which resulted in showing a Spanish population of 26,805, and 8,172 Pueblo Indians. As this is probably the most accurate that had been obtained and contains the full mission names of the respective pueblos, we insert it in full, as it is both useful and interesting as a basis of comparison with later enumerations:

San Geronimo de Taos 508
San Lorenzo de Picuries. 250
San Juan de los Caballeros 194
Santo Tomas de Abiquiu 134
Santa Clara 186
San Ildefonso 175
San Francisco de Nambe 143
N. S. de Guadalupe de Pojuaque 100

San Diego de Tesuque 131
N. S. de los Angeles de Pecos 104
San Buena Ventura de Cochiti 656
Santo Domingo 333
San Felipe 289
N. S. de los Dolores de Sandia 314
San Diego de Jemez 264
N. S. de la Asumpcion de Zia 254
Santa Ana 450
San Agustin del Isleta 419
N. S. de Belen 107
San Estevan de Acoma 731
San Josef de La Laguna 940
N. S. de Guadalupe de Zurii 1470

From the names of the patron saints to whom the Indian towns were dedicated by the Spanish authorities can also be ascertained the festival day of each of the pueblos mentioned.

The first report by an American official - that of Lieutenant Whipple, U. S. A. - contains the same list, with the addition of Cuyamungue and Chilili; but as both of those pueblos ceased to exist more than a century and half before, during the revolution of 1680-93, their insertion was a mistake.

The only changes which have taken place in the hundred years since Governor Alencaster's census have been in the dropping of Abiquiu and Belen as distinct pueblos, and in the abandonment of the pueblo of Pecos, in the year 1840, and the removal of its surviving inhabitants to Jemez. The population of Pecos had been reduced by wars with the wild tribes of the plains, and by destructive contagious diseases, until only fourteen persons remained, and it was determined to abandon their old home and migrate to the pueblo of Jemez, where the people were of the same family and spoke the same language. This was accordingly done, the people carrying with them their most cherished possessions; and they were received and welcomed as members of the Jemez pueblo, and have since enjoyed all the rights of Indians born there, including that of holding office, one or more of the Pecos Indians having been elected to the position of governor of Jemez.

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The census taken by the United States authorities in 1900 shows the population to be as stated below, and it will be observed that while there are considerable gains or losses in particular pueblos, yet, in the aggregate, the Indian population has continued almost the same during the past century. It would have increased considerably since the days of warfare have ceased if it had not been for destructive diseases among the children, such as small-pox and diphtheria, which have desolated whole villages in a few weeks. With the medical care and appliances now afforded to them, there has been quite an appreciable increase in the population since this census was taken.

The figures are as follows:
Taos 419
Picuris 98
San Juan 465
Santa Clara 223
San Ildefonso 137
Nambe 81
Pojoaque 12
Tesuque 80
Cochiti 295
Santo Domingo 772
San Felipe 516
Sandia 86
Jemez 455
Zia 116
Santa Ana 228
Isleta 1050
Acoma 492
Laguna 1077
Zuiii 1525

The grants of land to the different Pueblo communities were made after the revolution of 1680, and while the Spaniards were still at El Paso, awaiting the re-conquest and occupation of the province. This action seems to have been taken as a measure of conciliation by Governor Cruzate, in view of his contemplated re-entrance into New Mexico. In each case the testimony was

taken of an Indian named Bartolome de Ojeda, as to the present condition and loyalty of the Pueblos; and thereupon the grant was made. As an illustration of the methods of the day, the following brief record of the proceedings in the case of Picuris is inserted, all of the others being similar, with slight differences in the testimony to conform to the circumstances of each case.

1689- In the town of Our Lady of Guadalupe del Passo del Rio del Norte, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of Septem-

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ber, in the year one thousand six hundred and eighty-nine, his excellency Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, governor and captain general, stated that, whereas, in overtaking the Queres Indians, and the Apostates, and the Teguas, and those of the Thanos nation, in the kingdom of New Mexico, and having fought with all the Indians of all the other pueblos, an Indian named Bartolome de Ojeda, of the Pueblo of Zia, who was most conspicuous in the battle, lending his aid everywhere, being wounded by a ball and an arrow, surrendered; and, as previously stated, I ordered him to declare, under oath, the condition of the pueblo of Picuris, (very rebellious Indians), who apostatized and took part in the wars of that kingdom of New Mexico.

"Being interrogated if this pueblo would rebel again at any future time, as it had been customary for them to do, the deponent answered, No; that, although it was true they were connected with those of Zia in what had taken place in the year previous, he judged it was impossible for them to fail hereafter in giving their allegiance.
"herefore his excellency, Don Domingo Jironza Petroz de Cruzate, governor and captain general, granted the boundaries herein set forth: on the north one league, and on the east one league, and on the west one league, and on the south one league; these four lines to be measured from the four corners of the temple situated on the western side of the pueblo, and his excellency so provided, ordered and signed before me, the present secretary of government and war, to which I certify.

"ON DOMINGO.JIRONZA PETROZ DE CRUZATE.
Before me, DON PEDRO LADRON DE GUITARA,
Secretary of Government and War.''

The only notable difference in the form of the grant is in the case of Cochiti, where the area seems to have been somewhat curtailed, and which ends with the suggestive words "this they owe to being rebels." These grants have all since been confirmed by the government of the United States, so that each pueblo has an absolute title to its land.

Turning now to the customs and manner of life of the Pueblo Indians, we have descriptions from Castaneda and Espejo, and many particulars in the epic of Villagra, and from other records of the early occupations; and all of these agree as well as can be expected of observations made by men of different tastes and temperaments, who are describing matters that are novel to them,

and of which they may only make mention of the points which to their minds were most conspicuous and remarkable.

Castaiieda gives us quite full descriptions of the towns and people of Cibola, Tihuex, and Cicuie, the substance of which may be summed up as follows:
"The towns are built in a square, around a plaza in the centre, in which are the estuf as. The houses are four stories high; the roofs arranged in terraces, all the same height, so that the people can make a tour of the whole town without having to cross a

single street. To the first two stories there is a corridor in the form of a balcony, which also passes completely around the town and which affords a pleasant place to sit in the shade. The houses have no doors below, but are entered by movable ladders, which reach to the balconies on the inside of the square.

The houses are built in common. The women mix the mortar and build the walls. The men bring the wood and construct the frames. They have no lime, but they make a mixture of ashes, earth and charcoal, which takes its place very well; for although the houses are so high, the walls are not more than three feet thick.
The young men who are not yet married serve the public in general. They go after fire-wood, and pile it up in the court or plaza, where the women go to get it for the use of their homes. They live in the estufas, which are under-ground in the plazas of the town; and of which some are square and some are round. The roofs of the estufas are supported by pillars made of the trunks of pine trees. I have seen some with twelve pillars, each twelve feet in circumference; but usually they have only four. They are paved with large polished stones, like the baths in Europe. In the center is a fireplace, with a fire burning therein, on which they throw from time to time a handful of sage, which suffices to keep up the heat. The roof is on a level with the ground. Some of these estufas are as large as a tennis court. When a young man marries, it is by order of the aged men who govern. He has to spin and weave a mantle; they then bring the young girl to him, he covers her shoulders with it and she becomes his wife. The houses belong to the women, and the estufas to the men. The women are forbidden to sleep in the latter, or even to enter them except to bring food to their husbands or sons. The men spin and weave; the women take care of the children and cook the food.

Their villages are very neat; the houses are well arranged and kept in good order; one room is devoted to cooking and another to grinding grain. The latter is apart, and contains a fireplace and three stones set in masonry; three women sit down before the stones; the first breaks the grain, the second crushes it, and the third grinds it entirely to powder. In all the province glazed pottery abounds and the earthen jars or vessels are of curious and beautiful form and workmanship.

The soil is so fertile that it does not need to be worked when they sow; the snow, falling, covers the seed and the corn starts underneath. The harvest of one year is sufficient for seven.

When they begin to sow, the fields are still covered with corn that has not yet been gathered.
These descriptions accord very well with what we know of the Pueblo Indians from later experience, with the exception of the last sentences, in relation to the crops, which seem to be rather extravagant; but it may be remembered that the spring which Coronado passed in the Rio Grande Valley was an exceedingly late one, so that it is very possible that snows occurred after the planting of the corn.

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Passing now to the time of Espejo, his descriptions agree very well with those we have just quoted, although he draws attention to various matters not spoken of by the former narrators. He tells us that the houses were four stories in height and well-constructed and the people much more civilized than those living to the south. They wore clothing of cotton and of deerskin, and, what was the cause of much surprise to the Spaniards, boots and shoes, with the soles made of the strongest and best leather. They raised great quantities of cotton, from which many of their garments were made; and the beautiful and curious mantles, which he found especially common at Zia, were equal if not superior to anything of European manufacture. He also speaks of the ornamentation of the houses in Zia, these being the most beautiful the Spaniards had seen among similar native races, well-plastered, and painted in many colors. He makes special mention of the idols or household gods of the people, which he seems to have found in all of the localities he visited. He speaks of them first in connection with the pueblos he visited in the vicinity of Socorro and says: "A great number of idols, which the Indians worship, are found here; and in every house there is an oratory arranged for the demon, to which food is carried for him to eat. As the Spaniards place crosses along the sides of roads, these Indians erect chapels in which they say that the demon rests himself when he travels from one place to another through the country. These chapels are all handsomely decorated and ornamented. "On his first expedition into the mountainous country toward the eastward, he writes, "here also we saw idols, which the Indians worship"; and in his description of the people of the Queres nation, north of Puara, he says, "and they all worship the idols in the manner of their neighbors" In the general description of the country it is said: "In the pueblos of all the Indians were seen a multitude of idols."

His attention was attracted by the great amount of food stored up to be used in time of need, and the "infinity of hens" found in various parts of the country is referred to several times. Referring to their arms, he says that they had very strong bows,

and arrows with points of flint, with which they were able to pierce a coat of mail without difficulty; and he speaks of the macanas,- which may be called the characteristic weapons of the Pueblo Indians,- as being half a yard in length and covered with sharp points of flint, with which they could with ease cut a man in two; and he also tells us that they had shields and bucklers made of buffalo hide and of great strength. The descriptions of Benavides, written nearly half a century

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later, in 1626, are valuable and interesting, as they are the result of long experience among the people after the Spanish occupation.

As to the success of agriculture his language is scarcely less enthusiastic than that of Castaiieda. After enumerating almost every variety of vegetable as among the regular products, and referring to the apricots, peaches, plums, and nuts that abounded, he adds: "And the earth is so productive that they reap from 120 to 130 fanegas for each fanega of wheat that is sown; and they gather excellent crops from the seed which has fallen in the preceding year, without any other attention than a little watering."

In those days the streams were full of fish, of which he enumerates no less than eight varieties, and adds, "and many others"; and the plains and forests abounded in game.

He speaks of the curious division of labor which seems to have been characteristic of the Pueblos at all times: "Among these nations, the custom is for the women to build the walls of the houses, while the men spin and weave, and go to war and the chase," referring to this fact in connection with the large number of churches that had been erected, "which have been built entirely by the women and the boys and girls."

As to dress, he says, "all the people are clothed in mantas of cotton or of skin; and they wear ornaments as far as they are able, particularly necklaces and earrings of turquoise. The women are modestly dressed in their mantas of cotton, colored and with borders."

On another subject he says: "All these nations in their pagan condition were divided into two parties, the warriors and the priests or enchanters (heehiceros), the former trying to reduce all the people to obedience to themselves, and the latter to have them believe that they could bring rain and insure good crops; and so these two parties were continually in opposition. Their religion, though not a formal idolatry, was almost the same, for in everything that they did they made offerings of meal and other things."

In almost all respects these descriptions, written by the earliest observers, agree with the habits and customs of the Pueblo Indians of today. Few races have been more changeless in such matters. The modifications most noticeable are the results of altered conditions which rendered the old system obsolete.

For instance, the style of architecture of their buildings, the terraced form, the lack of doors in the lower story, and the plan of entrance by ladders which could easily be drawn up so as to remove the only method of ingress, were for purposes of defense from the attacks of marauding tribes. To a people without artillery of any kind such a building was almost impregnable. But with the American annexation and the security from danger which has followed, the necessity for this style of building has ceased; and so, gradually, we find that doors are being cut in the older buildings and that the new houses are but one story high. A good illustration of this is seen in Santo Domingo, where the encroachments of the river have resulted in the gradual engulfing of more than half of the old pueblo, including its massive church. As the old houses are thus sunk into the Rio Grande, the new ones built to the eastward to take their places are in the modern form, and thus the two sides of the town present an interesting contrast of old and new.

But apart from a few such variations caused by changed conditions, the Pueblo Indian of today is the same as the Pueblo Indian of Castaneda's description. Conservatism is a law of his being, and no changes are made which are not forced by necessity or some very manifest advantage.

In many respects the old system is so good that there is nothing to be gained by the substitution of the methods of Europe or modern America. For example, the system of government, while it might not be successful in large communities, is better in its results in the village life of these people than anything that could be borrowed from their neighbors. The admirable way in which all the details of life are supervised by those in authority, the excellent influence of the old over the young, the habits of discipline and self-control which are inculcated, are all too good to

call for any change, or at least for the substitution of the looser and less effective methods of the more civilized people around them. The wonderfully business-like way in which all the public and communal business of the town is conducted, and the readiness with which the entire energy and united force of the community can be directed in a moment to any work or enterprise of general public concern, are matters of surprise and admiration to those not accustomed to them.

But whether for good or for evil, the fact is clear that no people on the globe has changed less in three centuries than the Pueblo Indians; so that a description in the end of the sixteenth century is almost entirely correct for the beginning of the twentieth.

Some mention must be made of the peculiarity of their languages, and of the distinction which exists between the various groups of pueblos and gives rise to that peculiarity.

The Pueblo Indians, though similar in almost all respects, yet were, and are, distinctly divided into several great families, or nations, as the older writers call them. The term "Pueblo" Indian is comparatively modern, being used to designate all of the "town" Indians as distinguished from the wild tribes who had no permanent villages; but in the earlier records the particular "nation" is always mentioned. Sometimes the division is made broadly into a comparatively few groups, and by other writers minor distinctions are noted. The leading groups of nations were the Tehuas, Queres, Tanos, Tihuas, Piros, and Tompiros. Several of the groups of the greatest importance at the time of the Spanish occupation were practically destroyed during the twelve years of the revolution, or have gradually dwindled into unimportance. Among these are the Piros, Tanos, and Tompiros.

One of the most careful descriptions that we have of the different nations is that of Padre Fray Alonzo de Benavides, above referred to, who was commissary of the Holy Office and custodian of the Franciscans for the province of New Mexico, and made a very full and interesting report of the condition of the country and people in 1626. He described the various divisions of the Pueblo Indians as follows:

1. PIROS.
On the Rio Grande, with Senecu, Socorro and Sevilleta as their principal points, each with smaller villages around it.
2. TIHUAS.
With fifteen or sixteen pueblos and seven thousand people. They had two "conventos," one at Sandia and one at Isleta, in both of which, he tells us, are schools of reading and writing where they also learned to sing and to play various instruments.
3. QUERES.
With seven pueblos, of which San Felipe was the first. Among the seven towns, three had "conventos."
4. TOMPIROS.
East of the river, with fourteen or fifteen pueblos, six conventos and eleven thousand souls. This nation included all the Salt Lake region, and had Abo and Tabira as two of its principal towns. Quarra or Cuara is mentioned as containing 600 Queres Indians, who spoke the Piro language.
5. TANOS.
To the north of the Tompiros, having five pueblos with 4,000 inhabitants. These were the Galisteo towns, including San Marcos, San Lazaro, etc.
6. PECOS.
Benavides says that the Indians of Pecos belonged to the Jemez nation, but being situated alone, they are considered separately, though they speak the Jemez language.
7. TEHUAS.
Westward again, towards the Rio Grande, are the TEHUAS, with eight pueblos and 6,000 persons. They had conventos, of which the most important was that of San Ildef onso.
8. JEMEZ.
Though half-depopulated by famine and war, yet it contained 3,000 people.
9. PICURIS.
With 2,000 inhabitants. It belongs to the Tihua family but is disconnected and distant.
10. TAOS.
With 2,500 people. Of the same national stock as Picuris, but with a slight variation of language.
11. ACOMA, on its "Pefiol," with about 2,000 souls.
12. zvm.
With 11 or 12 pueblos, and 10,000 inhabitants.
Coming down to recent times, and the comparatively small

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number of pueblos that still exist, the groups are much simplified.

Of the Piros and Tompiros none remain.

Of the Tihuas, in the region where they were so numerous in the time of Coronado, only Isleta and Sandia still exist; with Taos and Picuris in the north.

Of the Queres, we have Santa Ana, Cia, San Felipe, Coehiti, Santo Domingo, Laguna, and Acoma

Of the Tehuas, we have San Juan, Santa Clara, Nambe, San Ildefonso, Pojuaque, and Tesuque.

Jemez, including the Pecos Indians, has some similarity to the Tanos; but the two pueblos of Jemez and Pecos are rather to be considered as forming a group by themselves, and now consolidated into one town.

Zuni is now reduced to a single village

This is the division as recognized by Lieutenant Simpson, in his report, which was the first American authority on the subject. He was especially struck with the essential difference between the languages of the various families or nations; they not being dialects of the same tongue, but entirely distinct languages with apparently no common root. A few illustrations are given to show the extent of this difference; and it will be observed that, while in the Tehuan language most of the words are very short, and those of the Queres are not much longer, the words of similar meaning in the Tanos language or that of Zuiii are composed of numerous syllables. The words selected are the names of some of the most common objects, and are given in the spelling used by Lieutenant Simpson, which represents the sounds by the ordinary pronunciation of the letters in English.

ENGLISH TBHUA QUERES ZUNI
Earth Nah Hah-ats Ou-lok-nan-nay
Man Say-en Hat-see Oat-se
Head Pum-bah Nash-can-ne O-shuck-quin-nay
Eye Chay Kan-nah Too-nah-way
Foot All Kar-tay Wake-que-a-way
One peculiarity, difficult to account for, is that the distribution

of these different families and languages is not geographical; the groups are not compactly arranged in different sections of the country, but over-lap one another. Thus the languages of Taos and Picuris in the north, and of Isleta in the south are similar, but between them are all of the Tehua and Queres pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley. Again, the people of Pecos were identical with those of Jemez; but they were separated by all of the Tanos villages along the Galisteo, and by the Queres pueblos like Santo Domingo and Cochiti.

The result of the entire difference in the languages of the various groups or families of Pueblo Indians, and of the facility with which nearly all of them have acquired Spanish, is that if a native of Taos meets one of Santa Clara, or if a party from San Juan visits the great annual festival at Santo Domingo, they have to use the language of Castile for their conversation, instead of the original tongue of any of their people.

After the Spanish occupation the affairs of the Pueblo Indians are naturally included in the general history of the country. Down to the time of the revolution of 1680 it will be found that they were almost always restless, frequently conspiring to drive out the invaders, and often rising in actual revolt in one pueblo or another, or with something of concerted effort. The spirit of independence, which had kept them free from the domination of surrounding tribes, and their remembrance of the excellent local government they had enjoyed before the conquest, naturally prevented a contented submission to laws and customs which were foreign to their ideas, and often enforced with unnecessary rigor.

But the dozen years of independence, from 1680 to the re-conquest by De Vargas, wrought a great change. Under the Spanish domination they had apparently lost the capacity for self-government. Jealousy and dissension reigned supreme; and when the Spanish expeditions under Cruzate and others penetrated the country, the Pueblos always suffered from divided councils. Some were ready to submit, while others were prepared to fight; and after each of these invasions, unsuccessful as they were, new contentions arose among the Indians on account of these differences.

Thus we find the Queres and the Tehuas uniting to punish, and in reality almost destroying, the Tanos and Tihuas, who, in their belief, had been too friendly to the Spaniards during one of the entradas.

After the final re-conquest under De Vargas, we hear no more of Pueblo uprisings or conspiracies. From that time there were almost constant Indian hostilities, but they were with the Apaches, the Comanches, and the Utes - the nomadic tribes of the desert and the great plains - and in all of these, the Spaniards and the Pueblo Indians fought side by side against the invaders. Their interests were in common, and they always labored and fought in unison. In the attempted revolution of 1837, many Pueblo Indians took part, but all they did was in conjunction with their Caucasian neighbors, and as a part of the general population of New Mexico. Again, in the Taos revolt, some of the Indians from the northern pueblos took an active part; but they marched and fought and retreated and were slain by the side of their white brethren, who had risen to drive the strangers from their soil.

So, for the last two hundred years and more, we may say that they have had no separate history, and whatever affected them will be found in the general consideration of the events of the successive epochs.

CHAPTEE IV Cdbeza Be Vac a
The name of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca will always be memorable in New Mexican history, as that of the first European who ever set foot upon her soil. Strangely enough, he did not come from the Spanish settlements on the lower Rio Grande, nor even from the more distant outposts of European civilization near the Gulf of California; but from the eastward, after a long and tedious journey across a great part of the continent. Nor did he come with any intention to visit the country, either as a conqueror, a missionary, or an explorer, but by a series of accidents which led him through this region while endeavoring, after long years of wanderings and suffering, to reach some Spanish settlement, where he could again see the faces and hear the language of his countrymen.

The story of his long and perilous journey is one of the most interesting in early American history, and well illustrates the uncertainties and dangers which characterized the first attempts at exploration.

Cabeza de Vaca had been appointed treasurer of an important expedition undertaken by Panphilo de Narvaez for the conquest and colonization of what was then called Florida, being the whole of the country bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, from Key West to the Eio de las Palmas in the Mexican State of Tamaulipas, and including all of what now constitutes West Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and part of Mexico.

Na.rvaez obtained from the king of Spain authority to colonize this entire region, of which he was made governor, captain-general, and adelantado, on condition that he should take no less than two hundred colonists from Spain and found at least two

towns, all at his own cost; and he started from San Lucar de Barrameda, in Spain, on the 17th of June, l527, with five vessels and about 600 men.

But from its very commencement ill fortune attended the expedition. At Santo Domingo, where it stopped for horses and provisions, no less than 140 men deserted in order to try their fortune on the luxuriant shores of the island. When sailing to Cuba, two of the vessels were destroyed by a tremendous hurricane, the force of the storm being so great that a small boat belonging to one of the ships was found in the branches of a tree a long distance from the coast; and Cabeza de Vaca, who commanded one of the vessels thus wrecked, only escaped through his good fortune in being on shore at the time. Afraid to proceed further, Narvaez wintered on the island, but when he again set sail in the spring continual tempests marked his progress. He had expected to stop oft at Havana, but adverse winds drove his little fleet to the northwest, and on April 12, 1528, they came in sight of land near what is now called Tampa Bay in Florida.

Here they landed on the next day, near to an Indian village, but found all of the houses deserted, the inhabitants having fled in the night. These houses were called "buhios,"and had double-shedded roofs; and one, which was probably used for tribal meetings, was so large as to be capable of accommodating 300 persons. On the 14th, the governor raised the Spanish standard and formally took possession of all the surrounding country, in the name of the king, Charles the Fifth.

But arrival on the land was far from a conclusion of the misfortunes of the expedition. The Indians whom they met constantly talked of a very rich country to the north, called Apalaehe, from which they said the linen and woolen cloth which they wore, and more particularly the pieces of gold which they showed, had come. Thither the little army started to march, but met with grave difficulties from the first. The ships, which were ordered to proceed along the coast slowly so as to be within easy distance of the land expedition, were soon lost to view, and were never afterwards seen by Narvaez or any of his company. An entire lack

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of knowledge of the geography of the country caused long delays, and the bays and rivers which were met with greatly impeded the journey. Boats had to be constructed to cross the Suwanee, and the hostility of the natives who were encountered added to the difficulties arising from lack of provisions.

Ten weeks were thus occupied before the welcome sight of Apalache gladdened the eyes of the half-starved and exhausted Spaniards, on June 26th; and then their joy was short-lived, for instead of a great and rich city they found only a small, poor town without gold or anything of value. Here they remained nearly a month for rest, and then started southward to seek the Gulf at a town called Aute, on Apalachicola Bay. But there an unknown malady attacked them, and many succumbed to its power, while all were enfeebled and discouraged. All hope of relief from their vessels was soon abandoned and they determined as a last resource, if possible, to build rough boats to carry them from the scene of their misfortunes. But no project could seem less possible of execution. They had no tools, no iron, no forge, no rigging; and not a single man who possessed any knowledge of mechanical arts.

Necessity, however, proved, as often before and since, the mother of invention. A bellows was made from a tin pipe and some deer skins; stirrups, spurs, and every article of iron were transformed into nails, axes, and other tools. From the leaves of the palmetto they made a substitute for tow; ropes and rigging were manufactured from the fiber of the same plant and the tails and manes of their horses, while the shirts of the men were given up to be used as sails.

By enormous exertions they succeeded by September 20th in building five boats, and into them the 247 survivors were crowded; the boats being so heavily laden that the men could not move without danger of sinking. What added to the difficulties was that not a single one understood the principles of navigation. No alternative however remained, and so they put out to sea, proceeding westward along the coast and stopping from time to time for fresh water and shellfish. Several times, in storms, they were almost overwhelmed, and in passing the mouth of the Mississippi

were three days fighting against the mighty current, which threatened to carry them out to sea.

When that was passed, on November third, the vessels were so far separated that none of the others could be seen from that commanded by Cabeza de Vaca, and the whole fleet was never again united. Storm succeeded storm until the provisions were so far reduced that the daily allowance had to be limited to half a handful of raw corn. At length, when all were exhausted, in the darkness of night they were cast ashore on a sandy island on the coast of what is now known as eastern Texas. Here several were drowned, but the remainder, more dead than alive, were tenderly cared for by the natives, who carried them to their cabins.

Unfortunately, however, their troubles were far from being, even yet, at an end. A severe winter followed, during which sixty-five of the eighty who had landed, perished. When spring came, twelve of the survivors crossed to the mainland, leaving Cabeza de Vaca and two others who were sick, on the island. In this vicinity, surrounded by Indians, and treated as a slave, the late treasurer remained for six long years, continually looking for means to escape and to travel towards the settlements of his countrymen.

At length an opportunity offered, and he started inland, and was astonished to hear of three strangers being held by a neighboring tribe, and on meeting them, to find three of his old companions, Alonzo de Castillo, Andres Dorantes, and Estevan, a Barbary negro. These were all held in bondage, to which Vaca was also subjected, and a year and a half elapsed before another opportunity for escape occurred. Then they all proceeded northwesterly far into the interior of Texas, gaining great celebrity among the Indians, as physicians, and being conducted from tribe to tribe with much ceremony, as Superior Beings sent from Heaven for the healing of mankind. Still at times they suffered great privations, traveling entirely naked, and reduced to the verge of starvation. After traversing vast plains, they at length came in sight of the mountains, and shortly after reached "a great river coming from the north;" and then, after crossing rough mountains, devoid of water or food, they were gladdened

by the sight of "a very large river, the water of which was breast-high." The first of these streams was undoubtedly the Pecos and the second the Rio Grande.
Soon after, they encountered natives of a very superior character, and for the first time saw "habitations having the appearance and structure of houses." Castillo calls them "fixed dwellings of civilization,"and Cabeza de Vaca uses the term "settled habitations." This is the first description that we have of what, either in existence or in ruins, are known as the Pueblo Indian towns. Here they found a people entirely different from the nomadic tribes of the Texas plains, wearing garments made of buffalo hide and also of cotton, protecting their feet with leather shoes and using the amole or soap weed for cleansing purposes. They had also an abundance of flour, grain, beans, and pumpkins.

Thus westerly the Spaniards traveled, healing the sick and teaching the rudiments of Christianity, but always hastening on towards the point where they hoped to hear of some of their own countrymen. They were uniformly well treated among these more civilized Indians, the great difficulty being to escape from the hospitality of the successive villages and proceed on their way. The people presented them with many fine turquoises, which they said came "from the north" and which were probably the product of the celebrated mine whose vast extent is still a source of wonder, in the Cerrillos district south of Santa Fe; and also five emeralds, shaped into arrow heads, which they greatly prized.

So Cabeza de Vaca and his companions proceeded through southern New Mexico, northern Chihuahua and Sonora, until they reached a town which they called the Town of Hearts - Plaza de los Corazones - near which they saw an Indian wearing as ornaments the buckle of a sword belt and the nail of a horseshoe. These things, small in themselves, were to the Spaniards most significant, for they told of the proximity of European settlements; and but a little more time elapsed before the travelers found themselves at last in the midst of their countrymen on the shores of the Gulf of California.

This was in the spring of 1536, nearly eight years after their

landing in Florida; during fully seven years of this time they had lived altogether among Indians, traversing the entire width of the continent from ocean to ocean, and utterly lost to the civilized world, even in memory. Years before their unexpected reappearance they had been mourned as dead, and even the most sanguine of their friends had abandoned all hope of ever receiving tidings of their fate.

On their journey they had found the same radical difference between the nomadic Indian tribes of the Gulf Coast, half-clothed and half-starved, and the civilized natives of New Mexico, living in permanent houses and raising grain and vegetables to eat and cotton to wear, as exists today between the wild tribes of the plains and the peaceful and industrious Pueblo Indians:

The record of the travels and privations of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions will always be of the highest interest, as giving the incidents of an almost unprecedented journey, and the first account, by any European, of the soil and the people of Texas, southern New Mexico, and the adjacent regions.