MILITARY AND THE INDIANS (this book includes McKinley area in the early days, and will give the reader a feel for the times.

During the early years following the Civil War the successive administrations at Washington seem to have appreciated, in a vague sort of way, that any real development of the new Territory of Arizona would be impossible without military protection from the hostile Indians, yet the relief furnished was so inadequate that raiding of mines and ranches and the murder of travelers continued more or less continuously down to 1885, when the worst of the Apache renegades were taken as prisoners of war out of the State.
According to Bancroft, the number of Indians in Arizona in 1863-64, exclusive of the Navajos, was about twenty-five thousand.
In Hinton's Hand Book, published in 1877, the following census is given:

COLORADO INDIANS
Mojaves and Chemehuevis820
Hualpais600
Coahuilas  150
Cocopahs 180
1,750 1,700
Moquis (Hopis)
Pimas 4,100
Maricopas   400
4,500 5,900
Papagos 


 MILITARY AND THE INDIANS
DURING the early years following the Civil War the successive administrations at Washington seem to have appreciated, in a vague sort of way, that any real development of the new Territory of Arizona would be impos¬sible without military protection from the hostile Indians, yet the relief furnished was so inadequate that raiding of mines and ranches and the murder of travelers continued more or less continuously down to 1885, when the worst of the Apache rene¬gades were taken as prisoners of war out of the State.
According to Bancroft, the number of Indians in Arizona in 1863-64, exclusive of the Navajos, was about twenty-five thousand.

In Hinton's Hand Book, published in 1877, the following census is given:

COLORADO INDIANS
Mojaves and Chemehuevis820
Hualpais600
Coahuilas  150
Cocopahs 180
1,750 1,700
Moquis (Hopis)
Pimas 4,100
Maricopas   400
4,500 5,900
Papagos 
188
 
184; Pimas and Maricopas,
800; Papagos, and about 700 Apaches and 3,500 Navajos.

To protect the settlers against the hostiles, the War Department furnished from two to three regiments of soldiers, distributed in posts in different parts of the Territory. These were not in any sense defensible forts, but simply barracks where soldiers were quartered. In the desert country the buildings were usually made of adobe, with pole roofs covered with clay. In timbered localities like Prescott log houses, in some cases, were erected.
The principal posts used during the period from 1865 to 1885 include the following: THE STORY OF ARIZONA
 
APACHES
Pinal and Aravaipa1,051
Chiricahua  297
Mojave   618
Tonto  629
Coyotero ,.. 1,612
Southern  1,600
Yuma    352
Yumas •  930
Mojaves   700
Navajos11,868
 
33,507

Of these only the following are named as being engaged in civilized pursuits:
All the Hopis, 1,700; Mojaves, 400
Fort Yuma on the lower Colorado; Fort Mohave on the Colorado, a few miles below Hardyville
post was maintained specially to look after the Mojave and Hualpai Indians, and give protection to the ferry across the Colorado at Beal's Crossing); and Camp Crittenden on the Sonoita, which took the place of old Fort Buchanan. Tubac was rehabilitated for a short time after the Civil War and garrisoned companies of the Arizona volunteers as well as United States troops.

Fort Mason at Calabasas, fifteen miles to the south, was also maintained as a garrison for a short time.
Camp Huachuca, in Cochise County, is one of the newer southern Arizona camps, being built in 1876. As it is less than fifteen miles from the border, its importance has grown steadily, while practically all the old Indian posts have long been abandoned.

Fort Lowell was first located at Tucson and occupied in 1862. It was abandoned in 1864, reoc-cupied in 1865, and in 1873 removed seven miles east of the town.

Camp Bowie, as we have seen, was established in Apache Pass after the battle between the sol-diers and the Chiricahua and Mimbres Apaches. General Miles used it as his headquarters when campaigning against the Apaches in 1885. It was abandoned in 1896.

Forts Apache, Thomas and Grant are in approximately a straight line running north and south, fifty or sixty miles from the New Mexican border. All were in Apache country, and besides guarding the miners and farmers in the upper Gila and Salt countries, they were designed to check bands of renegade Apaches raiding enroute to and from Old Mexico.
 Fort Apache, the farthest north, is about eighty-five miles south of Holbrook on the White River, It was established in 1870. Thomas was fifty miles south of Apache, on the upper Gila, while Grant, at the foot of the Pinaleno Mountains, was about thirty-five miles south of Thomas.
There was also an earlier Camp Grant, of much historic interest, which was situated at the confluence of the San Pedro and the Aravaipa Creek, and was originally established as Fort Breckenridge.
Camp McDowell was located about thirty miles northeast of Phoenix on the Verde River, and was established in 1865. It was also an important Apache post, being near of access of a number of Apache trails running through the mountains to the north and east.

Camp Verde, which was first known as Camp Lincoln, is in the upper Verde Valley, forty miles or so east of Prescott. It was used in 1863 by the California volunteers, afterwards, in '64, by Arizona volunteers and finally by the regulars. In 1876 there were quartered at this post six officers, one hundred and seventeen men and forty Indian scouts.  It was also in Apache country.

Whipple Barracks, whose establishment we have already noticed, was one of the most impor-tant posts in the Territory in Apache days. Near the capital of the State, and being regimental head¬quarters with a band, it was the center of much


However, when such stories as the Pinole Treaty and the Camp Grant massacre reached the sensitive ears of the easterner, he decided that the savagery of the barbarous whites, who were trying to exterminate the Apaches, had gone far enough, and Washington sent out Vincent Colyer, peace commissioner, to settle the matter.
By authority of President Grant, Colyer was given powers which took precedence even over those of the military:

There is no denying that the Indian situation in Arizona needed remedying. Unquestionably, there had been outrages perpetrated by the whites against the Indians as well as Indian outrages against the whites, and sweeping powers in the hands of the right man, or a proper commission, might have resulted in much good; but it soon became apparent to all who were familiar with the situation and acquainted with Colyer that he was anything but the right man. 
 
MILITARY AND THE INDIANS1970
The Church of Friends and a man of strong prejudices and no tact, his only knowledge of Arizona Indians had been gained in a brief visit to the Hopis in 1869. Now, upon again entering the Territory, he brought with him the preconceived conviction that in all troubles between the races the Apache had been the innocent victim and the white man the aggressor.

Ever welcoming any stories that would strengthen his position, he listened with avidity to such tales as that of the killing of Mangas Colorado, the Pinole Treaty or the imprisonment of Cochise, but brushed aside as unworthy of consideration evidence laid before him of literally hundreds of the outrages of the Apaches upon the whites.

When the citizens of the Territory realized the stamp of the man that had been sent out to them with such vast authority to settle the Indian ques-tion, feeling against him ran so high that Governor Safford was moved to issue orders for his protection. Whether there was need of this the reader may judge from an editorial in the Prescott Courier wherein Colyer is referred to as a "cold¬blooded scoundrel," and the Arizona citizen was advised, "In justice to our murdered dead to dump the old devil into the shaft of some mine, and pile rocks upon him."

Still Colyer could do but little more than listen to the oratory of the Apache chiefs, and carry out the plan that Crook had already undertaken, which was to place the Indians on reservations and treat

However, when such stories as the Pinole Treaty and the Camp Grant massacre reached the sensitive ears of the easterner, he decided that the savagery of the barbarous whites, who were trying to exterminate the Apaches, had gone far enough, and Washington sent out Vincent Colyer, peace commissioner, to settle the matter.
By authority of President Grant, Colyer was given powers which took precedence even over those of the military:

There is no denying that the Indian situation in Arizona needed remedying. Unquestionably, there had been outrages perpetrated by the whites against the Indians as well as Indian outrages against the whites, and sweeping powers in the hands of the right man, or a proper commission, might have resulted in much good; but it soon became apparent to all who were familiar with the situation and acquainted with Colyer that he was anything but the right man. 
 So he selected Camp Apache for the Coyoteros, Camp Grant for the Aravaipas and Pinals, McDowell for the Tontos, Camp Verde and Date Creek for the Mojave Apaches, and Beal Springs for the Hualpais, and returned to the East, the execrations of all Arizona following him.

Colyer's idea was that the country really belonged to the Apaches, and if the whites didn't like their ways they could leave, or, staying, the least they could do was not to drive the peaceful abori¬gines into violence by aggravating treatment The flaws in this theory, even assuming the impossible, that a bar could be put upon the western march of civilization, are that the Apaches themselves had not so long before secured their own title to the hills by driving out previous inhabitants, and that, wanton and cruel as had been the acts of certain degenerate whites to the Apaches, other tribes, like the Pimas and Maricopas, for example, have never been forced to take up murder to protect themselves from outrages at the hands of even the worst of the palefaces.
The bias of Colyer's report must soon have been realized even at Washington, for within a year of the peace commissioner's departure the Apaches had made fifty-four raids and killed forty-one citizens.
However, General Crook was glad to use the reservations Colyer had located, and was backed up by Washington in his purpose to enforce strict discipline upon the interned Indians, and chas¬tise chas¬tise the renegades by unremitting warfare.

A second Indian commissioner visited Arizona in April, 1872, in the person of Gen. O. Howard, a very different kind of a man from his predeceor. He was not only a soldier of distinction, but a man whose deep religious convictions were active principles of his life. Also, like Crook, he mixed his theories with wisdom and common sense
.
Not contented with listening only to the Indians' side of the case, he also gladly embraced the opportunity of consulting the local citizens. One important thing accomplished by him was the com¬pletion of a treaty between the Apaches and their ancient foes, the Pimas and Papagos. He also moved the Apaches quartered at Camp Grant to the upper Gila, where the San Carlos garrison was esablished.

The children stolen in the Camp Grant mas-sacre had been adopted by Mexican families at Tucson. At a big conference held at Camp Grant, General Howard ordered their return to their kinsmen.
When the general went East he took with him seven prominent Indians from the Apache, Pima and Papago tribes, and returned with them to Arizona in the fall with each chieftain the possessor of a new, blue suit of clothes, a bronze medal and a Bible.
Soon after he abolished the reservations at Date Creek, McDowell and Beal Springs, allowing the Indians to change their residences to other reservations.

The most characteristic as well as picturesque thing that the general did was to go practically
unprotected into the fastnesses of the Dragoon Mountains and visit the great Chief Cocbise.

The only white men accompanying General Howard were his aide, Capt. J. A. Sladen and Capt. Thomas J. Jeffords (Cochise's friend and blood-brother). With them went Chief Ponce and a son of Mangas Colorado. The meeting was held with much oratory and ceremony, with subchiefs and the mighty Cochise all in attendance. General Howard wanted Cochise to take his people to the San Carlos Reservation, but Cochise objecting, it was agreed that the reservation should be estab¬lished in their own country—the southeastern cor¬ner of the Territory where the Government was to provide them rations.

The plan was carried out, Jeffords was made agent, and, in 1872, the Chiricahuas were estab-lished therein to the number of one thousand peo¬ple. In addition to the Chiricahuas a band of Janos came up from Old Mexico, and went in with Cochise's people, eager for the promised loaves and fishes. The chief of this band was Juh. There was also a subchief, oratorical, treacherous and savage, by the name of Geronimo, who was des¬tined to prove as great a scourge to the people of Arizona as old Cochise himself, but without a particle of the big chiefs sense of honor.

Other reservations that had been established included Camp Ord, afterwards known as Fort Apache, which, in 1870, had its beginning on White River. San Carlos to the south, on the upper Gila, was established in 1872.  The northern agency was afterwards discontinued, and the name San Carlos usually applied to the entire reservation.

At Camp Date Creek, in the western part of Yavapai County, in 1870, there were two hundred and twenty-five Indians, mostly Yavapais. At Camp Verde, in 1873, there were two thousand Tonto Apaches, and the Yavapais which had been taken there from Date Creek.
At the Verde, under Crook's wise management, the Indians were interested in agriculture, and did a large amount of work on irrigating ditches. However, just as everything was running smoothly, against Crook's vigorous protests the Indians were removed to San Carlos. On the way some of them escaped, others got into a fight with the Yavapais, which resulted in five dead Indians.

Altogether, what with the settlers, the military and the Interior Department, working at cross purposes, ideal conditions were far from being attained. There was an element among the Apaches that had both the desire for the peaceful life and wisdom enough to see the futility of trying to whip the United States, but there were ever turbulent ones whose innate savagery so chafed at the restrictions imposed upon them by the discipline of the reservations that they were ready to grasp any opportunity to escape from their restrictions and go on expeditions of thievery and murder
.
It was encouraging to note, however, that in pursuit of these renegades the law-abiding Indians showed the sincerity of their professions by giving most valuable service in aiding the soldiers as scouts, and often being as zealous in hunting down the runaways as any of the whites. As will be seen afterwards, there were times when some of these scouts proved treacherous, at terrible cost, and Crook was severely censured for the confidence he placed in this savage soldiery, yet it would have been impossible to have followed trails and to have pierced the heart of apparently inaccessible mountains in pursuit of renegades without the guidance of these trailers, and in spite of mistakes made in the choice of them, their service justified their use.

Convincing the turbulent Apache that the past-time of murder was, after all, an unprofitable business, thoroughly occupied General Crook's time. Depredations in some part of the Territory were going on continuously. Miners were being slain, freighters were being ambushed and ranches raided with exasperating monotony. On November 4, 1871, a stage coach containing seven men and one woman, a Miss Sheppard, left Wickenburg for California. When but nine miles of the journey had been covered a band of Yuma Apaches from Date Creek surprised them, killing all the men but one. Being shielded by the men, Miss Sheppard, too, had escaped death, and after the first volley she and the surviving man, Cruger, though both were wounded, drove back the savages with their revolvers, and finally escaped.

The prominence of one of the murdered men, Fred Loring, a young scientist, again attracted
attention of the East to Arizona, and put emphasis on the theory that there might be bad Apaches in the Territory as well as bad whites.

Encouraged by this successful depredation, the Date Creek Indians now plotted the murder of General Crook himself, but the "Old Gray Fox," as the Indians called the general, being warned, laid his plans accordingly. The deed as plotted was to take place at the usual "peace talk," which would be proposed the first time the chief should visit Date Creek, and at a signal, the lighting of a cigarette, the Apaches were to massacre Crook and whatever other white men chanced to be with him.
Crook, wishing to bring the matter to an issue at once, took the opportunity to make an early visit, and, accompanied only by Lieutenant Ross, sat down with the treacherous chiefs in council. However, behind this circle of potential murderers casually lounged a dozen or so packers of the mule trains, veterans of a hundred frontier battles, and every man, with weapons concealed, watched for the signal. It came. As the cigarette was lighted, a chief snatched a rifle from his blanket and aimed it straight at Crook, but before he could fire the alert Ross had struck up the barrel. Then occurred a grand, Homeric fight, participated in not only by the sinewy packers, but by whatever soldiers there were at the post who came running to the aid of their general. So hot was the fight that the Indians fled to the hills. In a short time Crook, with a detachment of the Fifth Cavalry, engaged the Indians near the head of Santa Maria Creek, and decisively defeated them.

Nataje, an Apache scout, advised Major Brown, the leader of a detachment, that he could undoubtedly find hostile Apaches in a cave he knew about near Salt River, at the end of the southern slope of the Mazatzals. The major sent Nataje with Lieutenant Ross and twelve men as an advance party. Approaching their destination just before daylight, they discovered a band of braves singing and dancing about fires in front of the cave. Following the orders of the campaign, the soldiers fired. Six of the Apaches fell, the rest fled into the cave, which, though of no great depth, was protected by a parapet of boulders. Soon Capt. John G. Bourke arrived with forty more men, and was later followed by Major Brown with the rest of the command, including Pima scouts. It was soon discovered that there were women and children in the cave, but the commander's assur¬ance that they would receive kind treatment if they came out, was answered with jeers of defiance.

After a time it was also noticed that rifle bullets shot by the soldiers against the slanting roof of the cave would riccochet among the Indians, and volley after volley was thus fired. Cries from within the cave soon made it apparent that the shots were killing women and children as well as men. 
 A second demand for surrender was made, and, in response, came a weird and erie death chant rising defiantly from the throats of the beleagured Apaches.

The battle continued for hours; the Apaches had determined to die, but before dying, to kill every soldier possible. Some time after daylight a detachment of Company G suddenly appeared on the crest of the cliff above the cave. Immediately these men began to drop huge boulders, which, striking the parapet and bounding inward, wrought fearful havoc. It was the end! Just before noon the soldiers entered the cave where a fearful sight met their eyes. All the warriors lay dead but one, and he was dying. But. eighteen of the women and children were left alive, and these had saved themselves by hiding under stones.
Carlos Montezuma, college-educated and a practicing physician in Chicago, who has a national reputation as a worker for the betterment of his race, was one of these Apache babies
.
General Crook kept up his systematic policy of proving to the renegades that the way of the transgressor is hard until, by 1874, the Apaches had pretty much agreed to be good, and the greater part of the tribe was on the reservation. Crook's good work was appreciated by the people of Arizona, and a vote of thanks was given to him by the Territorial Legislature. It was now hoped that to a great extent the Indian question was settled. Most unfortunately, however, in March, 1875, Crook was sent north to fight the Sioux and was succeeded in Arizona by Gen. August V. Kautz
.
Whether or not the new commander was less efficient in military lines than his predecessor, he was undoubtedly less tactful in his dealings with the citizens of the Territory, and soon we find press and people again uniting in bitter criticism of the military. Indeed, open charges of inefficiency were made against Kautz which finally led to his removal.

In carrying out the now adopted policy of placng all the Arizona Apaches on one reservation, the Chiricahuas were transferred to San Carlos in 1876 and the Hot Springs bands in 1877, when the number of Indians in the White Mountain Agency, which included Fort Apache as well as San Carlos, numbered over forty-five hundred. Both the Chiricahuas and the Hot Springs Indians bitterly resented being removed from their old homes, and while the former band was being transferred quite a detachment of them escaped, starting in at once on an orgy of depredations, and by September they had killed twenty persons. As the Hot Springs band was being taken across the country, Victorio and some of his associating villains got away into Mexico.
While from now on there was comparative peace in the northern and western part of Arizona, that part of the Territory extending from the White Mountain Reservation south into Mexico and east into New Mexico was the scene of frequent outrages which Gen. O. B. Wilcox, who sueceeded General Kautz, seemed unable to stop
. One reason for this perhaps was that the Apaches were now all armed with repeating rifles, and aparently had no trouble in getting ammunition enough to make them exceedingly dangerous. Vic-torio came up from his Mexican raids, killed seventy-three whites north of the line and escaped again into Mexico, but General Terrazzas was wait¬ing for him down in Chihuahua with a small army. They decisively defeated his braves and, in 1880, slew Victorio himself, upon whose head the Mexi¬cans had placed a bounty of $1,000. That same year Juh and Geronimo, with one hundred and ten of their followers, who now seemed to be consid¬ered Chiricahuas, were rounded up to make undesirable citizens of San Carlos.

Towards the end of 1880 a Coyotero medicine man on Cibicu Creek was stirring up trouble with promises to raise their old war-chief, Diable, under whose leadership the Apaches would sweep the white men from the Territory. This started a complicated series of troubles in which the medicine man as well as several soldiers were killed. One most serious feature of the trouble was that a number of Apache scouts turned traitor and opened fire upon unsuspecting soldiers, when one officer and four privates were killed. Later the hostiles attacked Fort Apache itself. New troops were hurried to San Carlos and five chiefs implicated in the outbreak had surrendered to Indian Agent J. C. Tiffany, when, unexpectedly, a band of renegades headed by Juh and Geronimo escaped from the reservation, followed by Loco and his Hot Springs band, and another carnival of crime and horror ensued.

It was then (July, 1882) that General Crook was sent for to relieve General Wilcox, in the hope, doubtless, that the personality of the "Old Gray Fox" would give confidence to the settlers and have a subduing effect upon the Apaches.

The returning commander found affairs in a bad state. The Interior Department seems to have chosen as Indian agents friends of politicians rather than men of probity and ability. The record of Agent Tiffany at San Carlos, who was supposed to have been a minister of the gospel at one time, seems to have been especially bad. The Federal grand jury at Tucson in 1882 reported: "We feel it our duty as honest American citizens to express our utter abhorrence of the conduct of Agent Tiffany and that class of reverend speculators who have cursed Arizona as Indian officials and who have caused more misery and loss of life than all other causes combined. . . . Fraud, speculation, conspiracy, larceny, plot and counter plot seem to be the rule of action upon this reservation. With the immense power wielded by the Indian agent almost any crime is possible. . . . Rations can be issued ad libitum for which the Government must pay, while the proceeds pass into the capacious pockets of the agent."

General Crook had a conference with the Indians at San Carlos and told the chiefs that he was going to place the responsibility directly upon them, and that they must not only keep the peace at the agency, but themselves punish offenders. He then established his old disciplinary rules of metal tags and frequent roll calls.
The reservation was to be policed, as of old, with native guards.

A better feeling was apparent at once, and a number of the Apaches were allowed to leave the river agency and go into the northern part of the reservation where soon about fifteen hundred of them were self-sustaining.
But still the Indian question was not settled. In March, 1883, Chatto, one of the most infamous murderers who ever went unhung, came up from Mexico, and killed among others Judge and Mrs. McComas, prominent Arizona people, taking their little boy, Charley, into captivity, and later killing him.
It was now evident that to secure peace on either side of the border the Apaches must be rounded up in Mexico as well as in Arizona, and after a conference with the governor of Sonora, Crook sent a well-organized expedition under guidance of an Apache called Peaches (who claimed to be an enemy of Chatto) to the Apache stronghold in the Sierra Madre Mountains. Although the expedition did not accomplish all that was hoped for, Crook succeeded in penetrating to the heart of the Apache rendezvous, waged a successful battle at a half-deserted rancheria, and, after a conference, induced about four hundred of  the  Apache  outlaws, including  Geronimo,

Chatto, Nachis and Loco, to return with him. In order to persuade them to do this, however, Crook was obliged to concede that past offenses should be forgotten, that they were to march much as they pleased and keep their arms and whatever horses, mules and cattle they had, all of which, it may be mentioned, had been stolen from the Mexicans. On the way Nachis, Chatto and Geronimo disappeared, leaving the soldiers to escort the squaws and the stolen property safely back to the reserva¬tion. However, Chatto came back the following February, and Geronimo, under charge of Lieutenant Davis, came in March.

One reason why these brave bucks were willing to return to their rations at San Carlos may have been that the Mexican Government had fixed a market price of $250 each for male Apache scalps. At the White Mountain Reservation history repeated itself with monotonous inevitableness, and in May, 1885, the old, murderous band led by Geronimo, Chihuahua and Nachis again went on the warpath and soon had twenty-one more victims added to their infamous list The southeastern part of Arizona was now completely terrorized. Home guards were organized at Tucson, Clifton, Bisbee and Tombstone, but their efforts were not effective. Grant County, New Mexico, offered $250 for every renegade Apache killed, and an Arizona board of supervisors offered $500 for Geronimo, dead or alive. It must now have been apparent to Crook himself that his policy of trying to conciliate such savage criminals as Geronimo was destined to be wholly fruitless.
 By inheritance and ingrained habit their fingers perpetually itched for murder, and as long as they had the opportunity they would not change their ways. In December, 1885, General Crook organized his last campaign into Mexico. His force included a detachment of Apache scouts, under Capt. Emmett Crawford, who was destined to be killed by treacherous Mexican soldiers. The renegades were driven into southeastern Sonora, and when the pursuit grew too hot the hostiles calmly asked for the usual peace talk.
It was arranged that they were to have a conference with General Crook at Funnel Canyon, Sonora, twenty-five miles below the line.
 The big talk took place as arranged. With Crook and his guard of friendly Apache scouts were Captains Bourke and Roberts, Lieutenants Faison, Maus and Shipp, with a few citizens and interpreters. Among the Indians were Nachis, Geronimo and Chihuahua.

Crook had been instructed by President Cleveland himself, through General Sheridan, to consent to nothing but the unconditional surrender of the Indians, and to take every precaution against the escape of the hostiles. It is possible that Crook might have succeeded in his undertaking had not a man by the name of Tribolet brought fifteen gallons of whisky into the camp of the Indians, which he sold to them for $100. Geronimo, Nachis and other chiefs immediately got drunk.
That night Geronimo  disappeared,  and although  eighty Apaches returned with Lieutenant Faison to Fort Bowie, the conference was a failure. Heartbroken at the outcome of the affair, which had involved much hostile criticism on the part of his military superiors, as well as from the people of Arizona, General Crook tendered his resignation as commander, which was promptly accepted
.
It was now definitely decided that all of the renegade Apaches must be deported from the Territory. On April 10,1886, Chihuahua's band of fifteen men, thirty-three women and twenty-nine children were started for Fort Marion, Florida.

Immediately upon his arrival, April 11, 1886, Gen. Nelson A. Miles, Crook's successor, started in on a vigorous campaign against Nachis, Geronimo and their followers. Appreciating doubtless that former failures had come about through insufficient troops, the War Department furnished General Miles with six thousand soldiers, which he distributed at strategic points throughout the southeastern part of the Territory. In the mean¬time Nachis and Geronimo, with bravado and impudence, secured a following of all the renegades, and were raiding across southern Arizona and northern Mexico, from the Santa Cruz eastward, leaving a bloody trail behind them.

In pursuing the renegades no troops ever saw more active service or followed more closely a trail than did the command of Capt. H. W. Lawton, which consisted of thirty-five men of Troop B, Fourth Cavalry; twenty men, Company A, Eighth Infantry; twenty friendly Apache scouts and two pack trains.

Also accompanying Captain Lawton were Lieutenants Johnson, Finley and Benson. Their surgeon was none other than Leonard Wood, now major general in the regular army.

A hot trail of Geronimo's band was picked up on the Penito Mountains, Sonora, and thereafter the soldiers hung on to the trail of the fleeing out-laws like wolf hounds after a pack of wolves. Over deserts, where the heat rose to 120 in the shade, went the renegades, up rock gulches, over mountain tops, dodging through this canyon and that, resorting to every Apache trick to throw their pursuers off the trail. But with the Indian scouts lead¬ing, the little column of soldiers, ever loyal, ready to cover seventy miles a day if need be, kept doggedly to the chase, covering over three thousand miles during the brief campaign. Finally, on July 20th, all but spent, the Apaches were driven into a pocket near the old presidio town of Fronteras, Sonora. One account says that, realizing that capture must come sooner or later, and believing that surrender at worst would mean nothing more disastrous than a resumption of high living and plain thinking at San Carlos,
Geronimo, in a roundabout way, let word come back to General Miles at Bowie that he was ready to return to the fold. In any event, Lieut. C. B. Gatewood of the Sixth Cavalry, with two friendly Chiricahuas, was sent from head¬quarters to Sonora to communicate with Geronimo, and, on August 25th, taking his life in his hands, Gatewood entered the camp of the hostiles and talked with Geronimo, whom he well knew
. However, the old villain declined to surrender unconditionally and wanted further negotiations with General Miles. The day following he wandered unconcernedly into Lawton's camp to talk with that officer concerning the preservation of his rascally skin. The first thing that Lawton advised him to do was to bring his followers down from the mountains and camp near by. The old chief complied. There were Mexican troops in the vicinity, only too anxious to hang Geronimo and the rest of the chiefs, and Lawton had no trouble in getting the consent of the Indians to start north with him.
. Before going to Bowie, however, where General Miles was still waiting, Geronimo wanted General Miles to meet him at some intermediate station where they could hold one of the old-time, friendly little conferences. However, the style in conferences had undergone a radical change, and when the message reached General Miles, he sent back word that he would not see the Indians at all unless they agreed to surrender and in the meantime give some evidence of good faith.

 As Lawton practically had the renegades surrounded with his cavalry, there was little else for the Indians to do but to agree, and Geronimo's brother was sent to Bowie as a pledge of their sincerity. On the march north owing to Lawton's vigilance, there was none of the usual, casual dropping out of Indians en route.

General Miles met the expedition at Skeleton Canyon, in the San Simon Valley, where, on September 3, 1886, the hostile Indians, including Nachis and Geronimo, surrendered, and the leaders from which place they were afterwards sent to Fort Pickens, Florida.
 The "Indian Question," as such, was settled.
In 1901 we saw Geronimo at the Pan-American Exposition, where he was being exhibited by a sentimental Government as a type of the noble red-man. Around the old scoundrel was a crowd of sympathetic females, who were eagerly buying his autograph at ten cents a piece. With the writer was a pioneer Arizonan who knew personally more than one of Geronimo's victims, and what that pioneer said concerning the scene we were witnessing, while illuminating and picturesque, is scarcely printable.

At the close of the Mexican War, the Navajo Indians, who numbered about ten thousand, comprised by far the largest tribe in the Southwest. These notable Indians occupied the plateau coun¬try in the northeastern part of Arizona and the northwestern part of New Mexico. While the original stock was Athapaccan, various other tribes were undoubtedly grafted into it, including, at one extreme, the half-civilized Pueblans, and at the other the warlike Apaches. As a result there was produced a people versatile and adaptable, skillful in crafts, and cunning and aggressive in war. They had no chiefs in the usual sense of the word, and
 

whatever influence the head men had upon the rank and file of the tribe seemed to be derived solely from their personality.
Almost from the time of the arrival of the Spaniards into New Mexico there was hostility between them and the Navajos, but in their warfare the Navajos seemed to take no pleasure in the murderous brutality that was so characteristic of the Apaches. Soon learning the value of flocks and herds, the principal object of the Navajo raids would be to steal sheep and horses. On their part, when the Spaniards made warfare against the Navajos, they would make slaves of their captives, when in retaliation the Navajos would often enslave the Mexicans. Indeed, it was a common cusTom of all of the tribes of the Southwest, and especially of the Navajos, in their warfare with other tribes to make wives of captured women and slaves of tractable captured young men.

The original flocks and herds stolen from the Spanish colonists, under the care of the Navajos, who took with surprising aptitude to the vocation of herdsmen, multiplied until at the time of which we write, they number about two hundred thousand sheep, ten thousand horses and not a few cattle. Also, like practically all of the Arizona Indians, they practice agriculture, raising as much as sixty thousand bushels of corn a year.
They undoubtedly learned the art of weaving from the Hopis, who manufactured cotton blankets and garments from the earliest times. With their originality and marked aptitude for craftsmanship,
the Navajos soon became very skillful weavers and marked their blankets with an individuality that is very notable.
 It may not be without interest to mention that with the Hopi it is usually the man who does the weaving. In the case of the Navajo it is the woman.

Pueblan influence is seen also in what little pottery the Navajos make, as well as in their woven plaques. In nothing is the adaptability and natural skillfulness of hand of the Navajos shown more clearly than in the excellent work of their silversmiths, who are especially fond of taking Mexican silver coins and fashioning them into buttons or ornaments for their person or saddles or bridles.

The theory that with primitive people the woman was always held as distinctly inferior to the man is disproved by the Navajos. Consultation between husband and wife is a necessary prelude before a sheep may be sold, divorce is by mutual consent, and incompatibility of temperament is wholly adequate grounds for such a separation. It is said that if the lady tires of her spouse, she sets his saddle and bridle outside the door of their hogan, which is a gentle hint for him to take himself off. The hint is seldom disregarded.
Should a wife prove unfaithful, it isn't etiquette for him to cut off the end of her nose, as is the cruder Apache custom; instead, if he wants to "save his face," his proper recourse is to prove himself a man by going off and slaying a member of some other tribe.
 

One cause for trouble between the Americans and the Navajos had been that the tribe had no definite civic organization. Until late years every man was a law to himself, and answerable to no one. Promises made in behalf of the tribe by the chiefs or head men were nonchalantly annulled by their constituents at will, and while those who had acquired property naturally wished the stability of government that goes with peace, the sheepless and the lawless were ever ready to go raiding.

The treaty, as recorded, that was made between the Navajos and Colonel Doniphan, in 1846, was soon broken, as was the one with Col. J. M. Washngton, military governor of New Mexico, in 1849, and another made by Governor Calhoun and Colonel Sumner soon afterwards. It was in the spring of 1852 that Colonel Sumner built Fort Defiance, which derived its name from the fact that it was built in defiance of the mandate issued by the Indians that it should not be built.

A characteristic bit of trouble was had at Defiance, in 1854, when a Navajo killed one of the soldiers; Major Kendrick immediately de-manded that the murderer be produced. The Indians agreed with surprising alacrity, going so far in their zeal as to insist upon not only apprehending the culprit, but in hanging him themselves, which they did with all military ceremony, the entire garrison being assembled to see the act performed. But when dealing with the Navajo, things are not always what they seem.
Two years later it was discovered that the man executed was not the guilty Navajo at all, but a Mexican captive. The murderer was still living, a distinguished and honored member of the tribe.
Another treaty was made with the Indians by Governor Merriwether in 1855, but the Navajos were firm believers in the doctrine that treaties were mere scraps of paper, so the plundering went on just the same. In July, 1858, there occurred another Navajo murder, full of typical local color. A prominent man of the tribe wanted his wife to visit his relations with him, but she, frivolous lady, insisted upon going to a dance instead. Really annoyed by the action, for the moment forgetting the courtesy a true gentleman should show to even his wife under the most trying of circumstances, the husband not only followed her but, in an impetuous moment, laid hands on her, decidedly disarranging her wardrobe, whereupon the lady tartly announced the termination of their conjugal relations.

There was just one thing left for the flouted husband to do, he must find some one to slay. On the day following, he wandered up to Fort Defiance and, noticing Jim, the negro boy who belonged to Major Brooks, not at all from any ill feelings toward the youth, but simply as a matter of high principle, shot an arrow through him and fled. The boy died and the military authorities promptly demanded the murderer, but he was not produced. As a result, there was soon warfare between the soldiers and the Indians. 
Chief Sandoval, who had always been friendly to the Americans, said that although all of the others might fail he would catch the murderer, and to prove his zeal sent out every scout he could command.
Every day the trail grew hotter. The villain had been seen at Ojo del Oso, later heard of at a cave near Laguna Negrita. Finally he was caught, but so desperate was his resistance that his captor had been forced to kill the man. The next day the corpse was brought in, but alas, though Chief Sandoval swore he was the Navajo murderer, and Chief Sarcillo Largo swore he was the Navajo murderer, the officers of the garrison recognized him as a Mexican prisoner of the Navajos whom they well knew, and a second vicarious sacrifice had been committed at Defiance.

In a number of skirmishes that ultimately grew out of this affair fifty Indians and seven or eight soldiers were killed and an officer was seriously wounded. The soldiers had killed much of the Navajo live stock, and, as it occurred to the Indians that paper was cheaper than mutton, the chiefs decided to make another treaty. So on Christmas Day, 1858, all was forgiven, if not forgotten, in a brand new covenant wherein Colonel Bonneville acted for the Government. Its terms required the return of all prisoners on both sides, Pueblans, Mexicans and Navajos, which had been taken dur¬ing the several campaigns. Also, it was stipulated that the Navajos should indemnify the Pueblo Indians for all depredations since August, 1858. A boundary line was fixed beyond which the
 
Navajos were not to go. The producing of the slayer of Jim, the negro, which all the trouble was about, was waived. As the Navajos said, the gentleman had left the country. The treaty was quite elaborate and executed with due solemnity, but nevertheless Navajo depredations did continue just the same as they had before. In 1860 the Navajos actually attacked Fort Defiance itself, when they were repulsed without any great losses on either side. The report of this seems to have been noted even at Washington, and in the winter of 1860-61 Colonel Canby, with regular troops, aided by a large force of volunteers, including many Pueblons and Ute Indians, marched to Navajo territory. The principal result of the campaign was losses in Navajo live stock, which hit the tribe in a tender spot, and led them to again sue for peace. In February, 1861, an armistice of three months, which afterwards was extended to a year, was agreed upon. Then came on the Civil War, and with the withdrawing of the troops from Arizona the Navajo resumed his raiding with even more hilarity and abandon, if possible, than before.
In our story of Arizona we have been able only occasionally to give our readers glimpses of the Pima and Papago Indians. We have told you how friendly they have always been to the whites. We wish we had room to tell you more of their battles with the war-like Apaches and Yumas, when, more than once, they signally defeated them. We must take space, though, to mention one thing about the Pimas. They had their own historian who kept the tribal chronicle, not on the written page or even by hieroglyphics etched on rocks, but by marks and notches on cane-like sticks. The historian, like old Owl Ears, of the Salt River Reservation, would take the stick in his hand, run his fingers along the notches and, with a far-away look in his eyes, begin: "Long time ago, one winter, many stars fall down in the sky; have big rabbit drive at Sacaton. Next summer two Apaches steal one Pima woman at Blackwater. She kill Apache man with rock, and come back pretty soon. Next fall lots of mesquite beans on desert. Next winter at Suhuaro fruit harvest have big drunk at Gila Crossing. Juan Bignose fall off his kee (house) and break leg." In news interest, at least, not wholly unlike the items we used to read in the Windy Corners Weekly Bulletin back on the farm.

There were other outlaws within the Territory of very different stripe than "Waco Bill" or the "Pride of the Panhandle." There were years, like those preceding and during the early part of the Civil War, when much of Arizona was practically without law, and therefore a refuge for all kinds of desperadoes from other localities. Those were the times when it was said that the California vigilance committee and the peace officers of Texas were the most zealous immigrant agents Arizona ever had.
Many conditions in Arizona served to encourage the vicious to deeds of crime. The border was in-fested with Mexican outlaws, and a robbery com-mitted by them at an isolated miner's cabin, if accompanied by murder, might easily be laid at the door of the Indians, while innocent Mexicans in turn were accused of crimes committed by vicious criminal whites. Bullion was often carried across lonely stretches of desert or mountain on stage coaches where hold-ups were all too fre-quent. In 1879 the Phoenix stage was robbed four times within four months. In 1882 the pack train which carried mail and express across the Pinal Mountains into Globe was held up, the express messenger killed and $10,000 in gold stolen. In Bisbee in '83 five desperadoes, early in the evening, entered the store of Goldwater and
 
SALOONS AND "BAD MEN"229
Castenada, robbed the safe and, in escaping, shot and killed at least four people. In '89 a female who called herself Pearl Hart, with a man by the name of Joe Boot, robbed a stage in Kane Springs canyon. Although there was an abundance of evidence against her, twelve sentimental pioneers declined to convict a perfect lady of stage robbery, and immediately thereafter were dismissed for the term with caustic and uncomplimentary remarks from Judge Doan upon their action. A succeeding jury convicted Miss Hart on the charge of taking the stage driver's revolver, for which crime she was sent to the penitentiary.
While as a whole the peace officers of the State have been capable, fearless and energetic men, in a few conspicuous instances they seem to have been chosen on the theory that it takes one desperado to capture another. A celebrated case of the criminally inclined officer is found in the story of the Earps of Tombstone. In the early '80s, when lawlessness in southern Arizona was worse than it had been for many years, Virgil Earps was city marshal of Tombstone and Wyatt Earps was deputy United States marshal—this in spite of the fact that both of them were professional gamblers and were suspected of either planning or par¬ticipating in at least two stage hold-ups. Asso¬ciated with Virgil and Wyatt were Morgan and Jim Earps and Doc Holliday who, although he hung out a dentist's sign, had gambling for a vocation and manslaughter for an avocation. Bitter enemies of the Earps were the Clanton cowboys of the Babacomari Mountains.
 
One night in October, 1888, Virgil had arrested Ike Clanton on the charge of disorderly conduct, though it appeared that the arrest was simply made as a declaration of war upon the Clanton gang. Seeming to appreciate the great advantage that being peace officers gave the Earps, and so desiring to postpone hostilities until a more auspicious occasion, the following morning Billy and Ike Clanton, with Frank and Tom McLowery, two other members of their gang, saddled their horses preparatory for leaving town. As they came out of the O K Corral they were met by the four Earps and Doc Holliday, all heavily armed. The Earps opened battle at once, shooting and killing Billy Clanton and Frank McLowery, while Morgan Earps and Virgil received flesh wounds. The Earps at once gave themselves up to friendly authorities who promptly dismissed them.
The Clantons plotted vengeance. Soon after Virgil Earps was shot from ambush, but got off with a wounded arm. Morgan Earps was not so lucky, for one night, while in a saloon, he was shot to death by a man hidden in the darkness, his assailant firing through a rear glass door. With¬out going into details of the subsequent events, it may simply be said that Frank Stilwell, an enemy of the Earps and a friend of the Clantons, was killed, supposedly by the Earps at Tucson. Later they resisted an officer at Tombstone who had a warrant for their arrest, took to the hills and killed a Mexican in the Dragoon Mountains; afterwards
they fled into Colorado where for some unexPlainable reason Governor Pitkins refused to grant requisition papers from Arizona for their arrest.
The most sanguinary feud ever known in the State was that between the Grahams and the Tewksburys in Tonto Basin in '86-'87. The Basin was a cattle country, but in '86 or earlier, sheep were driven from the north and herded under the protection of the Tewksbury brothers. The Grahams, who were cattlemen, resented this action and gave various hints to the sheep herders that a continued residence in Tonto Basin would doubtless undermine their health. Some of these hints, given after dark, took the form of bullets, which would go singing through the herder's frying pan as he fried his bacon for supper. However, when frightened herders fled, others were put in their places, and soon open warfare was proclaimed by the Grahams. John Tewksbury and a man by the name of Jacobs were running sheep on shares. One day both were ambushed near the Tewksbury house and killed; then, keeping the rest of the Tewksbury family away by a fusillade of bullets from their hiding place among the rocks, the assailants allowed the bodies to be devoured by hogs. This was sowing dragon's teeth with a vengeance, and resulted in a bloody harvest of twenty-three of the Graham faction killed and four of the Tewks-burys. Three of the Grahams were hanged by their enemies on the rim of the Mogollons, most of the others were shot from ambush.
The last to be killed was Tom Graham. With most of his faction gone and knowing that the
threat of the Tewksburys to "get him" if he stayed would be surely carried out, Tom fled to the Salt River Valley. The writer ate breakfast with him in the morning when, after an all night's ride, he arrived in Phoenix. "They sure would have got me if I'd stayed," he said, "and they may get me yet.
"
What he feared came to pass; he was shot and killed from ambush as he was hauling a load of grain from a ranch he had bought in the valley to Tempe. Two young women who saw the deed tes-tified that Ed Tewksbury was one of the murderers. John Rhodes, one of the Tewksbury gang, and Ed Tewksbury were arrested. At the preliminary hearing Graham's widow attempted to shoot Rhodes but failed. Rhodes was discharged, Tewks¬bury was convicted, but on a technicality a new trial was granted, when the jury disagreed.
While these are conspicuous instances, there were many other acts of violence which occurred about that time, the situation becoming so serious that, in a message to the Legislature, Governor F. A. Tritle called its attention to the thefts, murders and general lawlessness specially prevailing in the southern part of the Territory. The President of the United States was petitioned to ask Congress for an appropriation of $150,000 to be used in the establishment of mounted rangers to protect the State from criminals and Indians.
Of all of the crimes committed in the Southwest, none has been given more publicity than the hold-up and robbery of Maj. J. W. Wham.
 
SALOONS AND "BAD MEN
1889. On May 11th of that year, Major Wham was driving from Fort Grant to Fort Thomas, carrying with him $26,000 in gold, to pay the Fort Thomas soldiers. With him were eleven colored infantrymen and a sergeant. When the party entered a gulch just beyond Cedar Springs they found their way blocked by a large bowlder. Several of the soldiers, while attempting to get the rock out of the way, were surprised by a volley of shots comng from the hillside. Unexpected as was the attack, the soldiers sought shelter in orderly fashion and started to return the fire, but upon seeing that the gallant major had turned tail and was flying down the road, and that the enemy was shooting from stone breastworks, they followed in their commander's wake, leaving the gold for the highwaymen to carry away at their leisure. Eight soldiers were wounded, but none seriously.
An investigation was made by the military authorities, and within a short time eight prominent ranchers of the Upper Gila Valley were ar-rested, including Dave Cunningham, Dave Rogers, Tom Lamb, Ed Lyman and Wal FoUett. The three Folletts were soon dismissed, but the others were bound over for trial. The attorneys in the case were among the most prominent in the Territory; those for the defense were Marcus A. Smith, Arizona's delegate to Congress, and Ben Goodrich. The prosecuting attorney was Henry Jeffords. While the trial abounded in picturesque and exciting incidents, there is not room to enter into them here.  Altogether 165 witnesses were
but in the end the jurors found the prisoners not guilty.

/The Arizona rangers, which were organized in Arizona in 1901, at first numbered but twelve men, with Burton C. Mossman, a young, energetic cattle¬man, as captain. Dayton Graham of Cochise County was first lieutenant. Every member of the company was a picked man, of proven ability in handling criminals and of unquestioned nerve and courage. An arrangement was entered into with Colonel Kosterlitsky, commander of the Mexican Rurales, that the command of either might pursue criminals across the border.
From the time of their organization, the rangers proved their value to the State, not only in captur¬ing many desperate criminals, but their activity in pursuing the evildoers resulted in an exodus of many an undesirable citizen. In 1902, T. H. Rynn¬ing, former lieutenant of the Rough Riders, was appointed by Governor Brodie to the captaincy of the rangers to succeed Mossman, and like his predecessor, he made an able and efficient com¬mander. By 1903 the company included twenty-Six men which, during the six years of its existence, arrested over 1,000 men charged with serious crimes and three times that number for lesser offenses.
Although not acting in an official capacity, one of the most picturesque of Rynning's acts happened in 1906. In the mining town of Cananea, south of the Mexican line, were living hundreds of Americans.  In June several thousand striking Mexican
 
SALOONS AND "BAD MEN
miners were terrorizing the camp. A lumber yard had been set on fire, five Americans and a number of Mexicans killed. With the consent of Governor Ysabel of Sonora, Rynning led a force of 270 Americans into Cananea, and although they did not find it necessary to resort to arms, their presence greatly reassured the American inhabitants.
In 1907 Rynning resigned to become superintendent of the Territorial Prison, and the captaincy of the rangers went to Harry Wheeler, who later, while sheriff of Cochise County, became widely known through the active part he took in the deportation of the members of the I. W. W. and others in the summer of 1917.
The company of rangers was discontinued in 1909 by an act of the legislature as a result of a political quarrel between that body and Governor KibbeyJ

When the United States, by virtue of the treaty of* Guadalupe Hidalgo and that confirming the Gadsden Purchase, acquired its great southwestern territory, it also, under the terms of these treaties, fell heir to many claims of private persons for large tracts of land granted them, it was alleged, by the Spanish crown.
In New Mexico these claims involved 6,643,938 acres of land, and in Arizona 11,326,108 acres. To consider and adjudicate these claims, Congress, in 1891, passed a bill creating a Court of Private Land
 
Five justices and was organized at Denver, Colorado, July 1, 1891. After completing its work, it disbanded June 30, 1904.
The principal claim for land in Arizona was brought by James Addison Reavis, who, on January 3, 1885, filed with the surveyor general a request for the survey of the land claimed by him and a confirmation of the grant, which he claimed was originally given on December 20, 1748, by Fernando VI, King of Spain, to one Senor Don Miguel de Peralta de la Cordoba, Baron of the Colorados, etc.
The alleged grant was in the form of a quad-rangle, approximately 236 miles from east to west and 79 miles from north to south, with its south-west corner 39 miles south of an initial point on the south side of the Gila River opposite the Salt, and included Phoenix and the Salt River Valley, the Gila Valley, many of the richest mines of the Territory, Clifton, Arizona, and Silver City, New Mexico.
Reavis first made his claim by virtue of a deed from a man by the name of Willing, who, it was alleged, inherited it through a long but legally unbreakable chain of descent and transfer from old Don Miguel. However, when the matter came up before the land court, Reavis made the claim wholly through his wife, a Spanish lady by his statement, whom he introduced to the dignified judges by the simple and unassuming name of Dona Sofia Loreto Micaela de Peralta-Reavis.


THE DIAMOND HOAX
Perhaps the greatest mining hoax that ever was perpetrated in Arizona was the alleged discovery in 1872 of a diamond field in the northeastern part of the Territory. Two men by the names of Arnold and Slack were supposed to be the discoverers, and magnificent-looking rough diamonds and rough rubies, which it is said they had picked up in the Arizona field, were exhibited in San Francisco. A company with a capital of ten million dollars was organized in San Francisco and the list of stockholders included a number of large mining investors. The fraud was exposed by Clarence King, United States Geologist, who showed that the stones exhibited were from Africa and Brazil, and upon visiting the Arizona fields, saw at once that it was not diamond-bearing country.A second fake diamond field was located near the mouth of the Gila.


Although the ranges, with the steadily increas-ing numbers of small farmers, yearly become more restricted, yet in foothill and mountain, where water is accessible, cattle ranches commanding wide ranges may still be found and the thrifty headquarter houses, corrals and barns give every evidence of prosperity. Fences enclosing these areas are more common than in former days, but there are still places where herds more or less intermingle and rodeos take place in the spring and fall as of old.
The number and value of live stock in the state, according to the assessment list for 1917, is as follows:
NumberValue

Cattle900,180  $26,904,962.00
Milch cows.... 33,277    2,151,547.00
Sheep808,220    4,851,980.00
Goats 142,561427,774.00
Swine 22,484132,917.00
Buffalo    30750

OSTRICHES
A rather unusual experiment that has been tried out by the Arizona farmers is the raising of ostriches for feathers. The industry saw its beginning in the state when, in 1888, two Arizona farmers, Josiah Harbert and M. E. Clanton, purchased a breeding pair and twelve chicks from a Cali¬fornia exhibition park. In transporting the birds from the station at Phoenix to the Harbert ranch, all of the chicks but one were smothered, and to complete the owners' misfortunes, the following ear fhe mother bird died from the effects of eating too much barbed wire.
This left the old male and one chick, who doubtless, being stirred to pity by the straits to which the owners were reduced, at the end of the third year laid an egg. The habit once formed was persisted in, and, seven years later, in 1898, this admirable mother had ninety-seven children and grandchildren. These birds found in the Salt River Valley a most congenial climate, and in alfalfa a perfect ration.
The Harbert birds were a South African strain. Liater a few big Nubians were imported into the valley, and the progeny of these different birds multiplied until by 1913 there totalled over six thousand, the largest number to be found any place in the world outside of Africa.
However, though the birds did exceedingly well and produced good feathers, the market price of plumes steadily declined until, deciding that the industry was an unprofitable one, the largest ostrich farm in Arizona disposed of its entire lot of birds at any price it could get, taking as low as five dollars for ostriches that had been held at from two to three hundred dollars.
According to the assessment roll there are now (1918) 950 birds in the state, which on the lists are valued at $8.10 apiece

BISONS
The thirty buffalo, or bison, in the state belong
to a cattle company, and are located north of the
Grand Canyon.  The owners are crossing them
with cattle, trying to produce a new beef strain. 

  Catholics,  the Mormons were the second large religious denomina¬tion to be actively engaged in church work in Arizona.
Among the earliest Mormons to penetrate the country, afterwards known as Arizona, was a party of missionaries who, it is reported, visited the Hopi villages in 1846. Later, in December of the same year, the Mormon battalion, as we have noted, passed through the southern part of the state, which journey gave its members excellent opportunities to observe the country's agricultural possibilities, and the Mormon colonists who afterwards settled in this section were doubtless influenced in their action by the report of these soldiers.
The first attempt at settlement by the Mormons here seems to have been made at Tubac in 1852, but the location was soon abandoned on account of the inadequacy of the water supply for irriga¬tion. Another early Mormon colony was the one established in 1863 or '64 on the Colorado River, in Pah-Ute County, which, in honor of its leader Anson Call, was named Callville. With their usual industry, these settlers built comfortable, if primitive buildings, constructed irrigating canals and practiced farming. However, when that part of the county was annexed to Nevada, that state levied taxes against the land for the years it had been a part of Arizona, although the colonists had already paid taxes. This proved so great a burden that the settlers abandoned their farms, some of them going to southern Arizona and others to Utah.

In 1865 a second colony left Utah under the leadership of Thomas S. Smith, and settled in the same region, at St. Thomas, on the lower Muddy River. By 1871 they had three thousand cultivated acres, but, as in the case of Callville, rather than fight the matter of double taxation in the courts, the colony, which numbered five hundred families, left their farms and returned to Utah.
Also, in the '60s, a settlement was made in Walnut Grove, in Yavapai County, where five hundred acres were put in cultivation. Another settlement was made at Postle's Ranch on a branch of the Verde, twenty miles north of Prescott.
Jacob Hamblin, a personal friend of Brigham Young, in 1858 led a party of twelve on a mis-sionary journey to the Hopis. The party included, beside an Indian and Spanish interpreter, a man who could speak Welsh, for there was a persistent, amazing theory, in the early Arizona days, that the Hopis were of Welsh descent. Indeed, no less a person than Delegate Poston, in a speech in Congress, refers to the Moquis as a people "supposed to be descendants of the Welsh prince Madoc, who sailed from Wales for the New World in the eleventh century."

However, in spite of the Welsh interpreter, the Hopis declined to embrace Mormonism, just as they had turned a cold shoulder to Padre Garces' religion in 1776.
In 1873 Hamblin laid out the wagon road which is now used from Lee's Ferry southward. In 1877 a Mormon settlement was established at Moencopie Springs and called Tuba City. Two years later John W. Young built a woolen mill at the spring, expecting that the Navajos and Moquis would bring in large quantities of wool. The conservative In¬dians, though, seemed suspicious of the new ma¬chinery and continued to work up their wool themselves. Later, as the country all about the Tuba colony was included in the Navajo Reservation, the Government bought out the mill and the land surrounding it. All that is left now to show for the venture is the ruin of the old stone building.

In January, 1876, President Brigham Young called a number of families from Utah and Idaho to go into Arizona and settle and do missionary work among the Indians. In response, four com-panies composed of fifty men each, besides women and children, left Salt Lake City February 3,1876, arriving at Sunset Crossing on the Little Colorado in March. Here the immigrants divided, founding the settlements of Sunset, Obed, Brigham City and Allen (afterwards St. Joseph). A feature of special
interest in connection with these colonies is that the experiment of holding all property in common was followed by them for several years, but while it was considered that the plan had many good features, it was finally abandoned, the property being redivided according to the amounts first contributed.
None of these settlements proved to be perma-nent except St. Joseph, the settlers locating else-where in Arizona.
The Mormon town of Snowflake, located in the southwestern part of Navajo County, was estab¬lished in 1878. The name might seem to indicate a meteorological origin, but not so. The founders were Erasmus Snow and W. J. Flake—Snowflake! It was inevitable.
Twenty-two miles to the south of Snowflake lies the town of Show Low, and the way it received its name is even more unique than the story con¬cerning the northern town. Captain Cooley and Marion Clark were at one times partners, con¬trolling the ranch where the town was afterwards established. Once when the two partners were playing a game of "seven-up" and had staked about all their respective possessions on their hands, suddenly Clark exclaimed, "Show 'low' and you take the ranch." Cooley promptly showed "low" and the town-to-be was christened. After¬wards the ranch was sold for $13,000.
During the 70s a number of parties from Utah visited Arizona, either on missionary tours or look¬ing for favorable sites for colonization.  One of
 
these expeditions was led by Elder Daniel W. Jones, a man of ability and good judgment This party reached Phoenix late in 1875, and after a stop of one day went on to Hayden's Mill—after-wards known as Tempe where Chas. T. Hayden, the leading citizen, gave them a hearty welcome. They soon moved on, via the Pima villages and Fort Bowie, into Mexico. Evidently they did not find conditions favorable at that time for colonization in the lower republic, for about a year later the expedition returned to Utah.
The memory Jones carried of the Salt River Valley seems to have been a favorable one, for in March, 1877, Jones, again at the head of a colony, for a second time arrived at Tempe. On this occasion he had come to stay, settling his people a few miles up Salt River from Tempe at a place they called Jonesville, now the village of Lehi.
Securing help from the Pima Indians they dug a small irrigating canal, planted crops and prospered.
In 1878 a party of seventy-nine Mormons, under the leadership of F. M. Pomeroy and G. W. Sirrine, disliking the cold winters of their home in Paris, Idaho, journeyed as far south as the Verde River country in central Arizona. From there they sent a scouting party southward, which visited Jones-ville. The attention of the visitors was called to an old, prehistoric canal which led from Salt River to the mesa above Jonesville, which they assumed had been built 350 A. D. by the "Nephites" of the Book of Mormon.  It was obvious that by follow-ing this ancient canal, a waterway by which the mesa lands could be irrigated could be constructed with comparatively little labor.

Upon hearing the report of their scouts, the colonists at once came to the new location, founded a town which they called Mesa City, and immediately started work upon the canal. Even greater success was achieved by this colony than the one at Jonesville, and, the center of a rich agricultural region, Mesa is now the second city in importance in the Salt River Valley.
The upper Gila Valley, in Graham County, was also settled by the Mormons, the first colony arriving under J. K. Rogers in 1879. It is now (1918) the largest Mormon district in the state.
Ecclesiastically, the Church of the Latter Day Saints in Arizona is divided into four "Stakes." The president of St. Joseph's Stake, with head-quarters at Thatcher, in the upper Gila country, is Andrew Kimball. This stake has ten meeting houses with 5,493 members. The Maricopa Stake has headquarters at Mesa, with James W. Lesueur as president with over 3,500 members, divided into sixteen wards. St. John's Stake, with headquarters at St. Johns in Apache County, has 1,500 members in eight wards, with David K. Udall as president. The membership of the Snowflake Stake is about the same as that at St. Johns. The president is Samuel H. Smith

At Thatcher, Snowflake and St. Johns there are excellent academies conducted under the auspices of the Mormon church, the Thatcher school being the most important, with 226 students and eight teachers.
Practically all difficulties between Mormons are settled within the church. Ward teachers visit all families within their district. If troubles arise that the teacher cannot adjust, the contending parties are brought before the bishop for trial. The decision of the bishop can be appealed to the stake presidency and the high council of twelve, and this decision, if necessary, can be carried up to the first presidency and the twelve apostles. No charge is made by any church official for services rendered to the church. The extreme punishment meted out to an offender is excommunication.
The Mormons state with pride that out of a state membership of about fifteen thousand there is not one of their denomination in an Arizona poor-farm, charity hospital or penitentiary. They not only do not believe in drinking alcoholic liquors, but as well discourage the use of tobacco, coffee and tea. They try to provide entertainment for their young people within the church. For example, they give dances in their meeting-houses, opening and closing them with prayer.
In view of their belief that the Government prosecuted their leaders with undue severity in the old polygamous days, the loyalty of the Mor-mons today to the Government is noteworthy. In these times of war they have been conspicuously zealous in all avenues of patriotic work, whether it is in buying liberty bonds, co-operating in a Red Cross drive or in giving their sons and daugh¬ters to the army and navy.
 
THE RESTORATION OF SAN XAVIER
As we have seen, mission days in Arizona came to an end with the expulsion of the Franciscans, which followed soon after the formation of the Mexican republic in 1827. From that time on Tumacacori has been a ruin, but San Xavier seems to have been occasionally visited by the priest at Magdalena, nnder whose charge it had been placed by the bishop of Sonora. In 1859 what is now known as Arizona was made a part of the diocese of New Mexico, with Bishop Rt Rev. J. B. Lamy in charge, his headquarters being in Santa F6. Soon after this addition to his diocese the bishop
 
CHURCHES AND SCHOOLS   831
sent his vicar-general, Rev. J. T. Machebeuf, on a tour of inspection in Arizona, who reported Tum-acacori in ruins but San Xavier in fair condition.
In 1863 two Jesuits from the Santa Clara Col-lege, California, took charge of the mission at San Xavier. Upon arrival they were received by the Indians who, with great demonstrations of joy, rang the bells and exploded fireworks in their honor.
Hearty as their welcome was, the priests were even more delighted when their Papago charges brought to them articles for the altar which had been kept hidden by the tribe, waiting the day when their spiritual fathers should return.
In 1898 Bishop Henry Gran jon of Tucson had a large niche cut in a little butte overlooking the mission, and in it placed a replica of the shrine of Lourdes. The land around the mission is now a part of a Papago Indian reservation, and the well-tilled fields thereon are irrigated by water from the Santa Cruz.
The territory embraced within the limits of Arizona was formed into a separate diocese in 1868, with Bishop J. B. Salpointe in charge. It is now known as the diocese of Tucson with the Rt. Rev. Henry Granjon bishop.
At present, 1918, there are within the diocese thirty-two parishes with resident priests and sixty-four churches without There is also within the state, conducted under Catholic auspices, one col¬lege for boys, six schools for Indians, one orphans9 home and four hospitals.

OTHER CHURCHES
The earliest missionary activities of the Prot-estant Church in Arizona, of which we can find record, began in late Civil War times. In 1864 church services were held in a log cabin in Pres¬cott by the Rev. Wm. H. Reid, who was postmaster as well as pastor. A Sunday school was organized August 7th of the same year. Rev. J. L. Dyer was a Methodist minister who did missionary work in the state in 1868. The First Presbyterian mis¬sionary in Arizona seems to have been Rev. J. N. Roberts, who ministered to the Navajos in 1869. Also, that same year, James A. Skinner was sent by the American Bible Society to Prescott. Under the leadership of Rev. George H. Adams, one of the most active of Arizona's early ministers, in 1879 a state Methodist organization was effected. The Rev. J. C. Bristow preached the first Baptist sermon to be delivered in the state under a cottonwood tree at Middle Verde, October 10, 1875. In 1880 the Baptists established the "Lone Star" Church at Prescott, and a year later organized the Arizona Central Association.
A writer in 1885 says that until Arizona was penetrated by railroads the mission boards found great difficulty in securing men for this isolated region. As late as 1880 there were but four regu¬larly established Protestant places of worship in
 
Arizona, and these were small, having a combined seating capacity of one thousand, with a state population of thirty thousand. By 1885 we find a marked improvement. The Methodists had churches at Tombstone, Tucson, Globe, Florence, Prescott, Phoenix and Pinal; the Presbyterians at Tucson, Tombstone, Phoenix and Prescott; Methodist South at Prescott and Phoenix; Baptist, Phoenix, Prescott, Globe and Tucson; Congrega-tionalists, Tucson and Prescott; Episcopalians, Tucson and Tombstone. At that time the Mormons had thirty-five churches and a membership of five thousand. The Catholics, too, had many parishioners, including Mexicans and Indians, and had churches at Prescott, Phoenix, Florence, Tucson, Tombstone, Tubac and San Xavier.

Although, in the Episcopal Church, four bishops previously had had nominal jurisdiction over Arizona, Bishop George K. Dunlap found, in 1880, "not a church building, . . . not an organized congregation, not a clergyman." During the eight years he was in charge of the diocese, church buildings were erected at Tombstone and Phoenix, and a congregation ministered unto at Tucson. In 1889 the diocese, which then included Arizona, New Mexico and Texas, west of the Pecos, was given in charge of Bishop J. Mills Kendrick, one of the ablest and at the same time one of the most unassuming soldiers of the cross that ever lived in the Southwest. For twenty-three years he traveled back and forth over the same weary desert Padres Kino and Garces had encountered nearly two hundred years before. Under his fostering care churches were built at Prescott, Globe, Douglas, Bisbee, Winslow, Williams and Nogales, all of which edifices he insisted must be built without debt .
When the members of the church at Tucson had the walls up for a new church, but no money in sight for the roof, they suggested borrowing, but the bishop responded that he could see no finer compliment that could be paid to the climate of Tucson than for a congregation to worship with but the sky for a covering. The members took the delicate hint and went down into their pockets and paid for the roof.
Desiring to help the Indians in a way that the Redmen could appreciate was really for their benefit alone, Bishop Kendrick was the means of establishing the hospital of the Good Shepherd near Fort Defiance on the Navajo Reservation, his thought being that it would be a memorial of an unselfish gift of a strong race to a weaker one. Apparently unmindful of the irritations of stage travel and rugged roadside lodging that would have maddened a less serene character, he used to say that at times he noticed certain inconveniences in going about the more remote portions of his stupendous diocese, but as for discomforts he never encountered them. He died, in 1911, beloved by all who knew him, and revered as one of the saints of the earth.
When the overlarge diocese originally covered by Bishop Kendrick was divided, Arizona was given in charge of Bishop Julius Wood.,ormer archdeacon and rector of Trinity Church, Phoenix. Doctor Atwood, a man of scholarly at¬tainments and a most efficient organizer, has done much for his church in the state, one notable example of his many activities being the colony sanatorium of St. Luke, which was built and is being maintained largely through his efforts. It is located near the city of Phoenix, where patients are treated for tuberculosis in the most com¬fortable surroundings. It is one of the best institu¬tions of the kind in the Southwest, and has been of incalculable benefit to many people.
According to a statement made May 1,1917, by the Episcopal Church, that denomination has four parishes, eighteen organized missions and twenty-seven unorganized missions with seventeen presbyters and twenty-five lay readers; their communicants number 2,616, with 1,215 Sunday school members*
The minutes of the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church, published May, 1917, give the following statistics for Arizona: Ministers, 38; local evangelists, 11; churches, 44; church members, 4382; Sunday school members, 4,982. Statistics of other denominations, compiled by Rev. E. D. Raley, general secretary of the Arizona Sunday School Association, are: Methodists, 30 churches, 3,700 members; 40 Sunday schools, 6,000 attendance; Baptists, 41 Sunday schools, 2904 attendance; Methodist Episcopal South, 9 churches, 1,400 members; 9 Sunday schools, 1,200 attendance; Christian, 10 churches,
1,000 members; 10 Sunday schools, 1,200 attend-ance; Congregational, 7 churches, 600 members; 9 Sunday schools, 700 attendance; Union and other schools, 128 with an attendance of 6,155. The Bap¬tists report 38 church houses with 50 churches and 3,099 members. The Christian Science Journal gives the number of churches in the state as 3, with 6 societies and 20 practitioners. Christian Scientists do not give statistics as to membership. Under the superintendency of Rev. E. D. Raley, a Protestant orphanage has been established at Tucson, where 111 children were cared for in 1917. Both it and the orphanage of the Catholic Church are doing excellent work.
Y. M. C. A.
The Young Men's Christian Association is one of the most active organizations for moral and spiritual uplift in the state. • There are regularly organized buildings and equipment in seven cities, divided as follows: City associations, Phoenix and Tucson; industrial associations, Bisbee, Clifton, Miami and Hayden, and a railroad association, Douglas. In addition to these there are student associations at Tucson and Tempe, and Indian associations in Phoenix and Tucson. There are army Y. M. C. A. buildings at Douglas, Nogales and Yuma, and special war work looked after at Ajo, Laguna Dam, Roosevelt Dam, Granite Reef Dam, Globe, Miami, Naco, Warren and Slater's Ranch.

 INDIAN SCHOOLS
In the Government's dealings with the Indians of Arizona in the early pioneer days, we have seen s vacillation and weakness in policy, many blunders and much to criticize. Now, when we come to con-sider what is being done for these native tribes today, our only words are those of unstinted praise. The Indians of the state are still chiefly located on various reservations. The Navajo agency headquarters is located at Fort Defiance, with some of the tribes coming under the jurisdiction of Tuba, Leupp and Keams Canyon. The Papagos have recently had assigned them, by executive order, a large reservation in southern Arizona with head¬quarters at Indian Oasis.
The Pimas are divided between the Gila River Reservation, with head¬quarters at Sacaton, and the Salt River Reservation, with headquarters at Salt River, the Apaches at old Fort McDowell also coming under this juris¬diction. The Hopi agency headquarters is at Keams Canyon. The Havasupai Indians are at Supai, in the scenic Havasu Canyon south of the Grand Canyon. The Maricopas come under the jurisdiction of the Gila River agency. The White Mountain Apaches have two large agencies at White River and San Carlos. The Mojave Apaches are located at Fort Mojave and Colorado River consolidated agencies. The Wallpai agency head¬quarters is at Valentine in Truxton Canyon in Mojave County.

Under the United States Indian service the national government is sparing no pains to make it possible for these Indians to support themselves from the soil. As we have seen, water supply is the determining factor in successful agricultural practice in Arizona. To this end the Indian service is building reservoirs and diversion dams and put¬ting down wells wherever possible.
On the Navajo and the Hopi reservations, under the direction of Supervising Engineer H. F. Robin¬son, the Government has drilled about two hun¬dred wells, about half of which have been equipped with windmills for pumping and tanks for holding water for stock and domestic purposes. This has increased the grazing area so much that the In¬dians9 flocks of sheep and goats have multiplied from one hundred to five hundred per cent in the past five years.
At Ganado, also on the Navajo Reservation, an irrigation project, which includes a storage resere as been elsewhere noted, ten wells pump water with power derived from the Roosevelt power plants. This water supply will be further augmented when a diversion dam, now being built on the Gila above Sacaton, is com-pleted. Ultimately the San Carlos Reservoir also will be built, and furnish water for the reservation Pimas as well as to the white farmers around Florence. Seventeen thousand acres of land are being irrigated for the Yuma Indians by the Laguna project At Parker it is planned to develop irrigaion water by extensive pumping, where it is hoped that about fifteen thousand acres will be irrigated.

Ignorance is as bad for an Indian as it is for a white man. To prepare the native to take his place in modern American life, most excellent schools are being maintained for him where an education fitted to his needs is supplied at Government expense.
The chief school of the state is at Phoenix. It is co-educational, and, including the sanatorium, which is operated in connection with it, has a capacity of seven hundred pupils. The school is supported entirely by annual Federal appropri tions, averaging about $135,000. There is a force of 72 employees, of whom 12 are academic teach-ers. Students are received from about 40 different tribes, at ages varying from 14 to 20 years, who enroll for a period of three to five years. This en¬rollment is voluntary, but once enrolled the pupil must remain for the entire period.
The school teaches girls sewing, cooking, laun-dering, nursing and general home-making indus-tries. The boys receive instruction in agriculture, including care of dairy and garden, poultry hus-bandry, blacksmithing, painting, engineering and electric work, plumbing and sheet metal work, printing, tailoring and harnessmaking. The course in these trades covers four years and is known as the vocational division and follows the completion of the sixth grade; hence the graduates have the equivalent of two years9 high school work, besides their industrial training. One-half-of each day is spent in industrial work.
In addition to the Phoenix school there are about thirty governmental day schools in the state and nine boarding schools, all situated on various reservations.
In addition to this there are a few private schools, usually under the auspices of some reli-gious organization.
The question is often asked, "What becomes of the students when they return to the reservation?" In considering the matter, one must keep in mind that individuals differ among Indians the same as they do among whites. 
 Some succeed, others fail,and the determining factors for success or failure are with them very much as they are with us.
The Phoenix Indian School was founded in 1891, and when the first graduates returned to the reservation, it need not be considered strange if their new ideas were received with some distrust and suspicion by the older members of the tribe. Today, when the Pima, for example, returns to the reservation, he is met by middle-aged Indians who, like himself, have had the benefits of schooling, and the improved condition on the reservation today, though not so conspicuous, possibly, are as real as they are in white communities in Arizona.
If we have given the renegades among the old fighting, depredating Apache a hard name, we here take pleasure in saying that among the most intelli¬gent pupils in the modern Indian schools are the Apaches. Members of the same tribe did good work on the Roosevelt Dam, and young men of the tribe equipped with an industrial education are now useful, valuable members of society.
Members of all the principal tribes of the state since the beginning of the European War have enlisted not only in the army, but in the navy as well, and hold their own with the whites.
 

Up to June 1,1918, the number of men contributed by the different counties in the draft was as follows:
Cochise1,154
Maricopa1328
Gila 1,037
Yavapai  825
Pima  736
Greenlee  625
Pinal  462
Coconino  427
Yuma  371
Mojave  320
Navajo  262
Santa Cruz  197
Apache  148
Not identified   17
Total8,355
These figures, which were later increased to 10,000, added to voluntary enlistments and commissioned officers, brings the total number of men going into service from Arizona as not far from twelve thousand out of an available population of 158,237 people.
 
 
THE STORY OF ARIZONA
BY
WILL H. ROBINSON
Author of "The Man from Yesterday" "The     to the top
Golden Palace of Neverland" "The
Knotted Cord," Etc,
ILLUSTRATED,1909