A VOICE FROMSouth CarolinaTwelve Chapters Before Hampton and Two
Chapters after Hampton |
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A VOICE FROMSouth CarolinaTwelve Chapters Before Hampton and Two
Chapters after Hampton |
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| CHAPTER SEVENTH - MARTIAL LAW IN
LAURENS About the close of the year 1870, and the beginning of the next, the attention of the whole country I was called to this naughty word—Ku Klux—by its appearance in an important State paper, no less dignified than the "Annual Message" of the President of these United States. Upon this subject, it would be supposed, that the writer would be good authority, from what the reader I will learn of his career in the sequel of this narrative. But he must confess, at the outset, that he has no personal knowledge of the mystic organization whatever—never having attended any of their meetings— never having witnessed any of their exhibitions— never having been associated with them in any way, or in any place, excepting in—the common jail. That such secret conclaves did exist in certain counties in South Carolina, and that they were sometimes guilty of flagrant acts of lawlessness and outrage, cannot be denied; but the writer has good reason to know that these very acts were nowhere else more regretted than among all the respectable classes, in the very communities where they occurred. There had been a time, in the history of this State, when the existence of such conclaves would have been a moral impossibility. The higher law of public opinion would have crushed them out at their very inception. But in these days, the times seemed sadly out of joint, and lawlessness and outrage became the order of the day, much more on the part of the oppressor than the oppressed; and to discountenance one set was only to encourage the other. There is no doubt, that what afterwards became "the Ku-Klux," were, in their origin, simply organizations for self-defence—similar to those in Laurens, just before the outbreak on October 20th, 1870. When all immediate danger of actual conflict was over, from the disarming of the militia and the withdrawal of the constabulary force, the more prudent and respectable withdrew from them, and they fell into the hands and under the control of those lawless and reckless spirits, to be found in almost every community—particularly after a protracted and disastrous war. They have now run their career, and are heartily denounced by both friend and foe ; but in the same category, may not something be said of the " Freed-man's Bureau," the " Union League/' and even those United States garrisons so often prostituted to the vilest and most reckless purposes ? Take Major Merrill, in York County, as a notable instance, who degraded the uniform he wore, by such acts of cruelty and tyranny towards unprotected and helpless families, as the lowest Ku-Klux would have blushed to have acknowledged against the most obnoxious negro. The chief difference between them would be, that while the K. K. would try to justify himself, on the ground of self-defence, the gallant Major could only smirk at his superiors, and utter the overpowering argument, "there is money in it!" Bad as they were, the Ku-Klux became terribly magnified in their proportions, and their outrages were amazingly multipled by those " wicked who flee when no man pursueth." Their fame had so Spread abroad in the land, that they were not only specially noticed in the President's message, but became the subject of grave deliberation in Congress. Early in 1871, the very strong legislation, known as the " Ku-Klux Acts," was already maturing at Washington, and rumors came thick and fast, that martial law was to be proclaimed in certain counties in South Carolina, including Laurens, of course. Under this feeling of uneasiness and apprehension, a public meeting was called at the court-house, and a committee was appointed to go on to Washington. This committee was instructed to wait on the President, and make such representations of the true state of things, as to cause ours to be excepted from the list of the proscribed counties. Three of this committee, Hon. W..D. Simpson, chairman, R. S. Goodgion and J. A. Leland, promptly proceeded on their mission. But they soon found that the political machinery at the National Capital, was far too complex for them. There were rings and cliques, and " wheels within wheels," very available and exciting to the initiated, but exceedingly perplexing and disgusting to plain, blunt men. One of their number, Mr. Goodgion, armed with the truth and righteousness of his cause, even ventured to call upon B. F. Butler, at his lodgings, to appeal to his former States Rights principles, and his more recent professions as a vindicator of the rights of the oppressed. But he found the Massachusetts Representative as deaf as an adder to all such appeals, but showing so much of its venom, that he never repeated the call. Through the kind attention of Senator Robertson,of their State, a private interview with the President was secured at an early date. Gen. Grant received them courteously and listened with commendable patience to the written statement read to him by Col. Simpson; but gave no evidence of the impression made upon his mind, one way or the other. His reticence may have been characteristic or politic, but it was most discouraging to the Committee, who had come so far for an interchange of information. They were prepared to give information or particulars which could not be embodied in a written document, and to be subjected to the closest cross-examination; but there was nothing of the kind. After the reading of the "statement," the President took possession of it and the accompanying documents, and simply saying that he would see to it that they should get before the Committee of Congress, at that very time engaged in considering the disturbances at the South, he politely bowed us out to make room for others. These gentlemen left Washington with the profound impression that their visit had accomplished no good result. This impression became a conviction,when martial law was proclaimed; as Laurens was assigned a conspicuous place among the first of the counties thus distinguished. By a proclamation of the President the "writ of habeas corpus" was suspended in seven of the counties of South Carolina early in 1872, and Laurens was about the first on the list. Though long anticipated, when the crisis did come there was much of dismay and consternation. No one could feel safe when thus turned over to the tender mercies of these unscrupulous leaders. As there was no legal protection, no appeal to any tribunal, State or Federal, those who knew themselves to be obnoxious to Crews & Co., suddenly retired to parts unknown. Judge J. L. Orr is reported to have said that he had thought the people of Laurens unjustly persecuted, until he heard of several of her prominent citizens running away from legal process, and, as he had never known an innocent man to run away from a threat, he was forced to change his mind, and lay aside all sympathy. Col. Orr's opinion was worth very little with us, one way or the other, but even he would not have ventured that remark if he had lived at Laurens. No one was safe, whatever his position or previous character; and it had already been shown that prominent citizens could be hurried to jail, and that there was no limit to the number of false witnesses who were ready to swear to any statement put into their mouths, for money. The sweeping arrests, afterwards made, showed that these men acted wisely; and if the whole white population could only have afforded a general exodus at that time, it would have prevented many weary months of heart-ache to some of her best families, and would have saved our great government one of its foulest blots. It is a slander on these gentlemen, as well as on all the others arrested in Laurens County, to class them with the Ku-Klux. As before asserted in these pages, these organizations never gained a foothold in this county, through all the exciting events of reconstruction. The severe lesson taught our colored fellow-citizens on the 20th of October, 1870, had proved most salutary. They then found out, that however forbearing and long-suffering the white man had shown himself to be, there was a limit beyond which they could only go at the peril of their lives; pass that limit, and he would not only resist, but he would kill. Besides this argument, which the dullest brain among them could comprehend, they had been left alone, by these party-leaders, for nearly two years; and experience has shown, that, whenever this has been the case, there has been no trouble, nor bad blood between the races. For a long time, therefore, the venerable town of Laurens had been as quiet and orderly as any New England village, in the time of the Puritans. Judge then of the surprise and consternation of her citizens at what happened to them on the 31st of March, 1872. On that quiet Sabbath morning, just as the sun was rising, two formidable military bands, from opposite points of the compass, suddenly burst upon that devoted place. From the east, came a captain with a strong detachment of U. S. Infantry, who had marched all night from Newberry, some thirty-two miles distant. From the west, came a lieutenant with a body of U. S. Cavalry, who had also traveled all night from Union, some thirty-five miles off. Soon every road leading from the village was securely guarded, and the work of arresting began most nergetically. With two "Assistant United States Marshals,"— Hubbard, accompanied by infantry, and Hendrix, accompanied by cavlary,—the whole town was soon ransacked from cellar to garret, and they made short work of it. Now, why this sudden invasion of a peaceful community, with the same parade and dash as would have been expected if these people had been then engaged in acts of rebellion, or of flagrant insurrection ? Can it be believed in this age and country, that all this was merely for political effect? And yet, this seems the only solution. Every thing was too civil and quiet in Laurens, in view of the State and Presidential elections, in the fall, and something had to be done to fire the colored heart, and to draw the party lines more sharply; and, besides, many of their schemes could, much better, be carried out, with some of these white leaders securely shut up in the four walls of a jail. All the warrants of arrest were nearly identical. The charge was "conspiracy and murder," in that, onthe 20th October, 1870 (some fifteen months previous), each one was a participant in the riot, on the day after the election; and had murdered several colored citizens, whose names were given. Soon the majority of the adult male population of the town, then present, were arrested; and, at first, shut up in the court-house. As soon as this congregation, without reference to sects, was assembled in this unusual place, and by such forcible means, we were marched, in procession, through Main street, to the residence of the Honorable Joseph Crews. The marching through the streets, we could understand ; it being, simply, an exhibition for the edification of the colored population. But why should we be domiciled in Joe's house? It would seem, either that he wished his sable constituents to see clearly that it was his work, or that he was ambitious of having some of the best citizens of the place under his roof, for once, at any rate, who never would have gone there voluntarily. In confirmation of this last surmise, it may, seriously, be remarked, that Joe, like the whole batch of carpet-baggers and scalawags, was exceedingly sensitive on this subject of social position. He found that, with all his ill-gotten wealth and political power, he was still looked upon as on the same level with the worst of his sable constituents, and his ambition, in this regard, even overcame his malignant revenge. For, it is a notorious fact, that he offered exemption from arrest to any who would sign a document certifying to his respectability and social position, up to the time of the war; and that there were found men who signed this paper— thus securing for themselves inglorious ease at home, but at the sacrifice of all self-respect. But to return to our narrative. Thus huddled together in Joe's unfurnished parlor, we still constituted the greater part of the Presbyterian congregation, including two ruling elders. We, therefore, invited the Rev. John G. Law to preach the afternoon sermon to us—which he did, most acceptably. John iii, 16. About sunset, the order came to transfer us to the common jail; and we were again marched in procession down Main street, and the whole party—some twenty odd—were consigned to dungeons. We found in the jail about an equal number of the citizens of Clinton, who had been brought up that morning by the United States infantry, on their march from Newberry. The first night in jail was rather a gloomy one to most of the party; as the transition from comfortable homes to cells from which negro convicts had been I but recently removed, was rather sudden and abrupt. A few, however, illustrated their faith by their resignation and contentment under the strange providence which had brought them there. The writer's personal experience in these new and strange circumstances can be best learned from a journal, kept regularly during his imprisonment, and from which most of what follows in this narrative will be freely taken. "March 31st, 1876 I rose early, dressed for church, and was reviewing my lesson for my Bible-class, when United States Marshal Hendrix rode up to the college, accompanied by two mounted men. On entering the room, he held out a warrant, endorsed "United States versus J. A. Leland; conspiracy and murder!" Of course, I could only submit, but asked the privilege of eating breakfast before setting out on so novel a campaign. This was granted, and one of the soldiers was detailed to remain with me. After a hearty, but solitary breakfast, I merely bowed "good-morning" to my household; and, pipe in mouth, sallied forth, followed by my guard, with his piece at a shoulder. Each window towards the gate was filled with the heads of the young ladies of the college—witnessing this strange exit of their president. April 1st. When ushered into the dungeons, last night, there were three or four of us to each cell, and no preparation for sleeping. The floors were very hard and very dirty, and no provision for ventilation. Our immediate predecessors having been negro convicts who had been confined for months, we had very sensible evidence of their influence on the atmosphere; and one of the party amused us with a seranade, emphasizing the lines: "You may break, you may ruin the vase, if you will. But the scent of the roses will hang round it still "Our families and friends have sent us abundant sup plies for breakfast, this morning, and, thus 'strengthened in the inner man/ we feel defiant. The Clinton roll, added to ours, swells our numbers to some forty, including two ruling elders, three physicians, and the others mainly merchants and farmers. "April 2d. Yesterday, friend T------ developed a new trait in his character, or rather, was transformed into a new man. Ordinarily, a very quiet, sober citizen ; his friends regarded him as over-modest and retiring. But, on yesterday, he procured two or more bottles of spirits, of different kinds, and as very pressing for all to drink with him. He had the floor most of the afternoon, and was very violent, and even eloquent, in speech and gesture—using, sometimes, all four limbs—and all were amazed at the change that had come over him. This morning, I saw him sitting on alow box,with his elbows on his knees, and his head pressed between the palms of both hands—the picture of despair. In answer to my question, he had a long confession; the substance of which was, that this had been his first experience in tippling, and, by the help of God, it would be his last. That he had often seen those in trouble made, apparently, very happy by indulging in drink; and, he thought, if any one ever needed a ^solace of that kind, it was himself, on yesterday. But he had tried the experiment fully, and found that he had to pay for a few hours of delirium, by long hours of throbbing temples, and such mortification and self-reproach as overwhelmed him." The writer selects the above extract for the benefit of temperance men. Friend T------was as good as his word, and, from that day, has never been known to touch ardent spirits, even when prescribed by a physician. "April 3d. We are under marching orders today. That detestable little Yankee Lieutenant of Cavalry, McDougal, had ordered us all to set out on foot for Union C. H., and only to take such baggage as we might be willing to strap to our backs. Our friends, however, have procured road wagons for our use, and, with difficulty, have obtained the consent of this petty tyrant for us to use them. We had been transferred from the cells to the common halls of the jail, after the first twenty-four hours, and have had free intercourse with our friends from the outside. Rev. Mr. Riley, pastor of the Presbyterian Church, visited us on yesterday, and presenting us with a bible, requested us to promise that we would use it morning and evening, at "family worship." This promise was cheerfully and unanimously given." And it was faithfully kept too. Whatever the surrounding circumstances might be, every morning and evening found us assembled for worship, with that bible. No " family " has ever been more punctual, as there was no possibility of dodging. That bible is now deposited in the Presbyterian Church in Laurens, on the table under the pulpit, as a memorial of the troublous past. |
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