History - Old Pendleton District A GENEALOGY OF THE LEADING FAMILIES OF THE DISTRICT South Carolina  BY  R. W. SIMPSON Pendleton, S. C.

pages 45-68 Reconstruction in South Carolina, the Campaign of 1876 and the Wallace House by R. W. SIMPSON Ex-Governor D. H. Chamberlain wrote an article on Reconstruction in South Carolina, which was published in the Atlantic Monthly Magazine some time ago. This article attracted much attention, coming as it did from one who participated in that memorable drama. Mr. Chamberlain stated the facts as they appeared to him from his standpoint very frankly, but if his account of this, one of the most important eras in the history of South Carolina is to be accepted as the true and only history of that period, then the outrages, oppression and wrongs cruelly inflicted upon the white people of the State after their surrender by the Radical leaders In Congress will never be understood or appreciated by their children. No Governor of the Radical party during the dark days of Reconstruction in South Carolina, elected to office by Negro votes, can describe the heroism and patience displayed by the white people during this dark period, or the conditions which influenced them to take the course they did in 1876, or what it was that sustained them in that final conflict for life and the preservation of the white race. We think the time has come when the people of South Carolina should write their own history. Mr. Chamberlain's article will be handed down to future generations as an honest, fair account of the facts that transpired during reconstruction. Mr. Chamberlain belonged to that party that so cruelly oppressed the white people of the State, and no matter how fair and honest he evidently intended to be, it was impossible for him to describe the feelings of the people whom he opposed. The man with his heel upon the neck of another cannot realize the feelings of the one under the heel. If the white man's side of this history is ever written he must write it himself. This I propose to do briefly, stating only such facts as were personally known to myself, or of such common notoriety as were accepted as true by all. To properly explain the motives which influenced the people of South Carolina (we will hereafter call them Democrats) to enter upon the campaign of 1876 and immediately subsequent thereto, it will be necessary to describe the condition in which they were placed at the time. It is not wise for the Democrats in South Carolina to look back and recall the cruel wrongs inflicted upon them after the surrender, and during the period of reconstruction, and reference is made thereto now, only to explain and vindicate the course they pursued during this memorable conflict. Shortly before the close of the war Sherman marched through South Carolina, then impoverished by four years of war, and left behind him a burnt and blackened trail of ruin and desolation. In a tract running entirely through the State, perhaps fifty miles wide, the lone chimneys of once happy homes standing like tomb stones over the graves of the dead, were all that was left to mark these sacred spots. Columbia, the State capital, was burned to the ground, and thousands of old men, widows and orphans made so by the war, were cast out, homeless and without a place to cover their heads, and destitute of clothing or the necessities of life. Huddled together in shanties, they subsisted for a time on the scraps of food thrown away by the soldiers. Imagine if you can the feelings of the ragged and half starved heroes when returning from Appomattox to what were once happy homes to find their dear ones surrounded by such harrowing conditions. Notwithstanding the ruin and desolation which surrounded them, these brave and heroic men at once peaceably set to work to build new homes for themselves and families. Although they had lost all of their property, and dire poverty universally prevailed, yet they were not embittered thereby. The negroes too suffered like their former masters, and the kindest feelings continued to exist between the two races. The white people honestly accepted the results of the war and the freedom of the negroes, and had they been left alone there is scarcely a doubt but that the relations of the two races would have been happily and satisfactorily adjusted. But the Republican party was then in absolute control of the Federal Government and actuated by hatred for the South and with cruel disregard for the lives and safety of the white men, women and children, they inaugurated and put in operation the reconstruction measures, a scheme more heartless and heathenish than was ever before or since told of in history. The prime purpose of these measures was, through the negroes, to perpetuate the Republican party, and to place the South in such a position it could never again oppose its policy. To accomplish this purpose it was deliberately attempted to enslave the refined and chivalrous people of South Carolina and place them in bondage to their recently emancipated slaves. This is no fiction-the speeches in Congress on reconstruction openly avowed this purpose, and the administrative measures put in force by the Radical party then in power in the State proves the statement beyond controversy. The first step taken was to place a garrison of Federal troops in nearly every town in the State. The white men were then disarmed and disfranchised, and universal suffrage was conferred upon the negroes. Then fearful that the whites might still be able to exert some influence upon the negroes, and to prevent it, their agents organized the negroes into secret societies, and to forever destroy the friendly relations then existing between the two races, they taught the negroes behind closed doors that the whites were their bitterest enemies, and only wanted the opportunity to re-enslave them-and thus inflamed them until this once happy and friendly race was converted into a howling mob ready to do any act of outrage which these agents in the accomplishment of their purpose might wish done. The State government was then organized and the offices in the State were filled by ignorant negroes, and camp followers. Then to uphold their government they organized the negroes into militia companies and supplied them with both arms and ammunition, refusing at the same time to permit the white people to participate in the militia organization. Not content with his, carpetbag and negro speakers were sent all over tine State to still further inflame the negroes to insult and outrage the white people. Backed by numbers and with arms in their hands the negroes soon reached the conclusion that they were the masters in fact and in truth hence they very soon worked themselves into such a state of lawlessness and committed such deeds of outrage if now repeated could hardly be believed by their bitterest opponents. The white people were scattered over the country, and as there were but few white men in proportion to the negroes, and these few were very poorly armed or as war generally the case without any arms at all, there was very little protection for the women and children. Then when these negro militiamen with arms in their hands congregated in the country districts it was a fearful time for the whites. Gangs of these armed negroes would parade over the country cursing and abusing tho whites and practiced by shooting into dwelling houses where the white families were congregated, and into churches where the whites were engaged in religious worship. They talked openly of their intention to kill the white men and take the white women for their wives. Imagine if you can what must have been the awful fear and dread of the refined and virtuous women of the State during this fearful time, conscious as they were that their protectors were but few in number, and many of these few were being chased and hunted down by the United States troops upon false charges brought against them by negroes and designing carpetbaggers. Many white men had to leave their unprotected families and seek safety by hiding in the swamps, and some who felt compelled to labor and support their families when they went to their fields to plow, the first thing they did was to let down gaps in the fences surrounding their fields so they could fly at a moment's warning and then plowed with a saddle on their horse's back. Some may ask how and why did the veterans of the Confederate war submit to so many and outrageous insults-The answer is simple and easy. They had surrendered in good faith, and were bound by their parols. Then the Federal troops were stationed all over the State for the express purpose of upholding the infamous government foisted upon the State. Nor were the white omen and children as unprotected as they appeared to be. Secret organizations were effected among the whites, and arms and ammunition were quietly acquired. In some parts of the State the whites were driven to organize the Ku Klux,-an organization famous in the judicial history of the United States Courts in the State. While these outrages were being enacted in the country districts, the negroes and carpetbaggers in the cities and towns were giving their attention to politics. Unresisted they. elected each other to be members of the General Assembly, and very soon, supported by Federal troops, they took possession of every office In the State. They then began such a saturnalia of stealing and oppression as was never before equaled in a civilized State (See the report of the Committee on Corruption commonly spoken of as the Cochran Report.) They issued millions of Bonds upon the State's credit, every dollar of which they unblushingly stole. And when the credit of the State was exhausted they laid heavy taxes on the almost impoverished white people (the negroes paid no taxes), the proceeds of which they stole also. The white people for some years could do nothing to protect either their property or the credit of the State. They were simply stunned. About 1874 a mass meeting of tax payers was held in Columbia but no relief was secured thereby. The whites then began to take some interest in politics, with the hope that thereby their condition could be improved. In that year about thirty white men were elected to the legislature. Imagine if you can the feelings of these thirty white men when they assembled in the State House and saw before them a prostrated State, a State absolutely under the control of the recently emancipated slaves. These few white Democrats when assembled in the legislative halls of the once proud State constituted one little white spot in the dark black mass of African ignorance. They had no part in shaping legislation, and were viewed with suspicion by the negroes, but they constituted an object lesson to the thousands of Northern tourists who visited Columbia during the sessions of the legislature to view for themselves the prostrate State. They saw South Carolina, the once proud and respected State-the leader always in the struggle for self government, for liberty and right-one of the original thirteen states that contributed all she had to secure the independence of America, and because she dared maintain her construction of the Constitution, and because she was then powerless, having submitted her cause to the arbitrament of arms, and surrendered, this proud and still glorious State was subjected to the most degraded position to which any people on earth had ever been reduced. These Northern tourists saw what their politicians had done to subdue a sister state, and through them when they returned home the truth began to dawn upon the minds of the real North, and eventually prepared them to understand the awful conditions existing in the State, when the revolution of 1876 wrenched the covering off, and exposed lying beneath the vile, stinking, putrid mass of corruption. And is it not true that the extreme degredation sought to be imposed upon the people of South Carolina was the highest tribute its oppressors could bestow upon them-brave and patriotric, the only way to subdue them was to exterminate them. During the years of 1874 and 1875there was a breach in the Republican or negro party What produced this breach or what were the effects of it, it is unnecessary to say, further than that Gov. Chamberlain saw the handwriting on the wall and was convinced that the negroes were totally unfit to govern. He therefore proposed to the white people that they mite with the better element of the negro party, and many good men in those sections of the State where the negroes were in the majority looked with favor upon the proposition. So completely were those sections under the rule and dominion of the negroes they could see no hope of relief except it come in that way. In the latter part of 1875 great interest began to be taken in this all important question, "What was best to be done." The leading citizens of the State went to Columbia and counseled together. In these conferences some advocated an alliance with Chamberlain, and others counseled a straight out movement, upon the ground that the white race was in danger, and any alliance with the negroes would of necessity endanger the civilization of the white race to a greater degree by laying down the foundation for social equality. It was determined at length to let the matter be decided by a convention of white men called to meet in Columbia during the summer of 1876. In this convention the question was earnestly debated and it was finally agreed that the white man would make no alliance with the negroes but would place a full white man's ticket in the field. There were no candidates, men were chosen for the several State offices because of their unblemished characters and fitness for the positions for which they were chosen. Gen. Wade Hampton was nominated for Governor, Col. W. D. Simpson for Lieutenant Governor, Gen. James Conner for Attorney General, Gen. Johnson Hagood for Comptroller General, R. M. Sims for Secretary of State, Hugh S. Thompson for Commissioner of Education and E. W. Moise for Adjutant and Inspector General. The people were in earnest and when a definite policy was agreed upon, every one united heart and soul in the one great purpose, the salvation of the white race. In this convention was born the policy which to this day governs the entire South-that is that the white people of the Southern States will never permit the white race to be pulled down from its high state of civilization by social intercourse or amalgamation with the negro. God made our race to differ from another race, as he made one star to differ from another in glory. They must obey the laws of God, if we wish to preserve the integrity of the white race. But no people ever entered upon a political contest where there was more at stake, or had to face greater difficulties and dangers. The Government of the State, with all of the election machinery was in the possession of the negroes and their carpet bag leaders, which was held up and supported by the United States Courts, Judges, Marshals, and troops, together with a large number of State Constables. The National Democratic Party regarding the State safely Republican, and believing that the white men of the State, goaded to frenzy by the wrongs heaped upon them, would commit some rash acts which would endanger the success of the party, refused to render the State any assistance, and advised that they should namely submit and not attempt to secure relief. Under all these difficulties many regarded it as a strange/proceeding to refuse to associate with Chamberlain and his so called reform faction of the negro party, and to risk their all upon what appeared a hopeless undertaking, and there are some even at this time who fail to appreciate the purposes of the white people in determining upon the course they did. It should be remembered first that the white people fully realized their condition-they had reached a point when they could stand no more if there was any legal means to avoid it--they had no friends, and only themselves to rely upon. The Republican party was seeking to perpetuate itself in the State through the negro vote which largely outnumbered the whites. To accomplish this end the entire State government had been subverted. Chamberlain on the other hand was equally Republican, associating with them, and elected by them to office, he was then as anxious and willing to perpetuate the Republican party as any of his party, but he had learned by experience that a government founded upon such material was a miserable failure, therefore to accomplish the same end he proposed to the whites to join with the better element of his party and in this way secure reform, his object of course was the perpetuation of the Republican party. But the white people did not see how any good thing could come out of Nazareth. Suppose they did unite with Chamberlain could he control his followers? What was to prevent them at any time to leave the whites and go back to the other faction of their party and thus united, again control? They realized that this negro government could not exist much longer, but they saw supreme danger in Mr. Chamberlain's effort to strengthen the failing negro government with the native whites. Could he but accomplish his purpose and induce the whites to join in his Republican reform movement, the whites being in the minority would become suppliants to the Negro, a species of slavery which they could not voluntarily bring upon themselves. They could not see how two races of unequal social standing, such as existed between the whites and blacks, the blacks largely predominating, could be so united into a political party to control the State, so as to exclude a part of the lower and predominant race unless the whites recognized the social rights of those they were allied with. Social equality was all the whites had to offer in exchange for a share in the government. Simply this the whites were not willing to do-they were not prepared to go into partnership with the Negro when they owned only a minority of the stock. The campaign of 1876 was not a fight for liberty, but rather a desperate struggle for self preservation. For a while after the convention there was a calm all over the State, then the towns, villages and neighborhoods began to organize clubs. There was no general plan of organization. nor was there apparently any concert of action between them, but each club organized according to its own ideas. In the meanwhile General Hampton after planning out his campaign announced that the first meetings would be held at Anderson C. H. on the day of, 1876. This day as well as we now remember came on Tuesday. On Saturday previous it was intended to organize a club at Pendleton preparatory for the meeting next week. During the morning of that day several gentlemen in Pendleton were discussing the best method of organizing the proposed club---one of them suggested that to make these clubs effective they should be uniformed, and that the uniform should be both cheap and conspicuous and suggested a red flannel shirt. The suggestion was immediately taken up, and they proceeded to interview the merchants to see if a supply of the material was on hand. One of the gentlemen bought the stuff and had a shirt made and when the club was organized that evening exhibited the shirt and proposed it as the uniform of the club. This was adopted and the members proceeded to secure their shirts for the big Hampton meeting next week. There were several gentlemen present that evening from the neighboring town of Central in Pickens county, who caught the uniform idea and secured uniforms for their company also. Another nearby club also wished to do the same, but the supply of material was exhausted. This club determined to appear in uniforms of white shirts. By agreement these three clubs numbering together about three hundred, were to march to Anderson in a body and were to be accompanied by the Pendleton brass band. On the day of the great meeting these three clubs were late in getting to Anderson. Gen. Hampton with the other candidates for State offices, distinguished gentlemen from many other counties, and a great number of clubs from every part of the county were gathered at the fair grounds ready to start the procession which was to precede the speaking. Just about this time the Pendleton contingent came in sight, the band in front, the band wagon was painted red, the musicians were dressed in red, the instruments were wrapped with red, red flags were floating from the heads of the four horses, and from the wagon itself, and the harness was also wrapped in red. Behind the band came the three clubs all dressed in uniform and on horse back. The thrill of enthusiasm which surged through the other clubs assembled in the fair grounds as these uniformed clubs rode into their midst cannot be described, the very earth shook with the wildest yells-the effect upon them was as shaking a red cloth in the face of a bull to excite him to battle. The red shirt, the insignia of the campaign of 1876 was universally adopted without a vote, and telegrams went flashing all over the State for the club to uniform. This, the first campaign was a grand success, and created a wave of enthusiasm which swept over the State toward the sea, gathering force and strength as it went. The negroes did not believe there were as many white men on earth, and no wonder they were intimidated by this concentrated array of power and force. Uniformed and on horse back and in concentrated bodies they had the effect of magnifying their numbers in the negroes' eyes. This simple exhibition constituted the greater part of intimidation with which the whites were charged in that campaign. We have been particular to describe this first Hampton meeting for to describe one is to describe them all. It is impossible to describe the rides of the red shirts by day and by night. These red shirt companies were careful, however, during the campaign not to violate the law. No ill treatment of the negro was permitted, instead by every means possible they tried to show the negroes that the white people were their only friends. Many negroes openly donned the red shirt and voted with their white friends. Towards the scalawag and the carpet bagger they showed no mercy-these were the men who received the lion's share in the stealings secured by the negroes' votes-they held the negro in their grip, and could safely expect to continue to grow rich as long as they continued to control them. These people were made to quail at many of their public meetings by the demands of the red shirts. These people were seeking to make or secure money and it was but human nature for them to want to save what they had already stolen, rather than lose their lives as they feared they would do. It was on election day, however, the excitement was greatest. Both sides were early at the polls, ready if need be, at least so far as the whites were concerned, for a resort to force. But force was not necessary, finesse answered better. Considering all things the election was remarkably fair. There was some election trickery as usual practiced in some quarters, but the presence of white men at the polls in numbers sufficient to back up their demand for a fair vote and a fair count, and their watchfulness until the votes were counted is what carried the day. Hampton and his ticket were elected by several thousand majority. There were perhaps several thousands of native Northern men then residing in the State, bona fide citizens, all of whom unhesitatingly cast their votes for the State democrats, they were as much disgusted with negro rule as were the native whites. For the House of Representatives the following results were published by the returning board, a board composed entirely of radicals. From Abbeville--R. R. Hemphill, T. L. Moore, W. K. Bradley, Wm. Hood and F. A. Connor. Aiken-C. E. Sawyer, J. J. Woodward, John G. Guignard, L. M. Asbill. Anderson-W. C. Brown, R. W. Simpson, James L. Orr, H. R. Vandiver. Barnwell-Isaac S. Bamberg, J. W. Holmes, L. W. Youmans, M. A. Rountree, Robert Aldrich. Colleton-H. E. Bissell, Wm. Maree, J. M. Cummings, L. E. Parler, R. Jones. Chesterfield-J. C. Coit, D. T. Redfearn. Greenville-J. W. Gray, J. F. Donnald, J. T. Austin, J. L. Westmoreland. Horry-L. D. Bryan, J. R. Cooper. Lancaster-J. B. Erwin, J. C. Blakeney. Lexington-G. Muller, G. Leaphart. Marion--J. G. Blue, James McRae, R. H. Rogers, J. P. Davis. Marlboro-P. M. Hamer, T. N. Edens. Oconee-B. Frank Sloan, J. S. Verner. Orangeburg-W. H. Reedish. Pickens-D. F. Bradley, E. H. Bates. Spartanburg-W. P. Compton, J. W. Wofford, E. S. Allen, C. Petty. Sumter-J. H. Westberry. Union-W. H. Wallace, G. D. Peake, William Jefferies. York-A. E. Hutchison, W. B. Byers, B. H. Massey, J. A. Deal. The Returning Board threw out many of the white votes in the counties of Edgefield and Laurens and declared the Radical candidates elected therein. But the Democrats carried the case to the Supreme Court, which Court after hearing the matter ordered the Returning Board to issue certificates to the Democratic candidates from those two counties-and upon their refusal to do so, had them put in jail for contempt. But the United States Court quickly had them released. The Supreme Court then ordered its clerk to issue to the Democrats certificates of election which he did as follows: Edgefield-W. S. Allen, J. C. Sheppard, James Callison, T. E. Jennings, H. A. Shaw. Laurens-J. B. Humbert, J. W. Watts, D. W. Anderson. These representatives elect on November 28th, 1876, assembled in Carolina Hall elected W. H. Wallace of Union, Speaker, and the following communication was sent to the Senate: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate: The House of Representatives respectfully informs your body that, pursuant to the provisions of the Constitution of the State of South Carolina, the members elect of the House of Representatives assembled in Carolina Hall this day at 8 o'clock P. M. when the following named gentlemen, sixty-six in number (given above) being a quorum of the whole representation of the House of Representatives, appeared, produced their credentials and were sworn in by the Hon. Judge Thompson H. Cook, and have organized by the election of Mr. W. H. Wallace, a member from Union, Speaker, and John T. Sloan, Sr., Clerk, and are ready to proceed to business. Very respectfully, W. H. Wallace, Speaker of the House of Representatives. To this communication to the Senate there was no reply. This body was composed of a large majority of Radicals and only eleven Democrats. One-half of the Senators held over, consequently the Democrats failed to carry the Senate at the election. In the mean while, and on the same day, the Radicals assembled in the hall of Representatives in the State House. Refusing to recognize the mandate of the Court (which was Radical) they, by counting out the Democratic members from Edgefield and Laurens, eight in number, and recognizing the Radical members instead organized the House by electing E. W. M. Mackey, Speaker. This body was protected by a large number of negro constables appointed by D. H. Chamberlain, Governor, so-called, who were in turn supported by United States soldiers under the orders of Gen. Ruger. On the 29th day of November, 1876, the Democratic House (hereafter will be called the Wallace House) formed and marched from Carolina Hall to the State House. On arriving at the outer door they found it closed and guarded by a lieutenant and a squad of United States troops. The Edgefield and Laurens members were purposely placed in front, for fear if they came last that they would be refused admission, while the other members already in might be caught in a trap and forced to unite with the Radicals in organizing the House. The lieutenant in command of the dow refused to permit it to enter, whereupon Mr. Sheppard standing upon the steps of the State House began to read a prepared protest to the large concourse of people and to the world against this unwarranted assumption of authority by the United States soldiers. The Radical leaders, evidently fearful of a riot, ran up and said we could enter. The soldiers disarming the members, opened the door, and the Democratic members then proceeded to go forward, but were again stopped at the door to the Hall of Representatives, and admission into the Hall refused. The Democrats then quietly left the State House and returned to Carolina Hall. December 4th.-It was determined on this day to enter the Hall of Representatives by force if necessary. A committee of members was appointed to go before and open the way for the others, who were to follow in small sections so as not to attract a crowd. When about to start Col. Alex, afterwards Judge Alex Haskell, asked that he and three others be appointed Assistant Sergeants at Arms and be allowed to accompany the committee. The committee started at once, about 11 o'clock A. M. At the corner of the State House grounds next to the Episcopal Church they halted in order to agree upon the course to pursue-and it was there ascertained that there were present Judge Haskell and five members, and J. S. Verner who asked to be permitted to go with us, making seven in all. Let me here describe the conditions in the State House when we entered. In the long hall on the first floor, there was drawn up a regiment of United States troops with fixed bayonets and all of the outside lower doors were guarded by troops. Upstairs in the large lobby was a large crowd of negro roughs brought there as supports. The committee rooms were filled with State constables, appointed by Chamberlain. A notorious character brought from New Orleans for the purpose was doorkeeper, he had some fifteen assistants. The Mackey House was assembled and only waiting for the Speaker, and this House had as we were told at least a hundred Assistant Sergeants at Arms. For some reason not explained Gen. Ruger had promised Gov. Hampton to allow the Wallace House to enter the door over which he had control, hence there was no fear of a conflict with the troops, unless there was a fight. The committee of seven knocked at the front door (outside) which was opened by an officer. We immediately entered and made a dash up the steps to the door of the Hall of Representatives. But the doorkeepers, who were lolling in the lobby, saw us, and broke for the door and drew up in line with their backs to the door, just as we ran up. We showed the doorkeeper our certificates of election as members of the House, and demanded that he open the door. This he refused to do and barred our way. Judge Haskell then said "Come men let's get at it," and at the same time seized the doorkeeper. The numbers of the committee also took hold of the man in front of him and. there began a struggle which I cannot describe, for I was too busy to see anything but the thing I had immediately in hand. During this struggle the door, which was a large one divided in the middle, was pulled a little open and Verner slipped through. Bradley, D. F. either followed or preceded, I cannot say which, but when jerked open again I slipped in. All this took place quicker than it takes to tell it. We took one sweeping look at the scared and amazed Mackey members, who were all standing up looking at us with distended eyes and wide opened mouths, and then turned to pushing against the door (it opened outward.) Pushing from within and without the half of the door was raised off its hinges and fell to the floor and the way was clear. Just as the door fell Judge Wallace, followed by the other members came up, and marched immediately to the Speaker's stand, and seated himself in the Speaker's chair. The members, all but those who stood around Speaker Wallace, took seats on the Speaker's right, the negroes giving way and taking the seats on his left. Scarcely had Speaker Wallace taken his seat and called the House to order, when so-called Speaker Mackey came in and ordered Wallace to vacate his seat. Wallace ordered Mackey to leave the stand and take his place on the floor. Several more commands and counter commands were issued by these two, both of whom were supported by their armed supports. Finally Mackey took another chair and seated himself on the stand also. Two Speakers, two Clerks on the stand at the same time and two opposing bodies occupying the Hall at the same time. Then arose a scene perhaps never before witnessed in any legislative body. It cannot be described. The central figure, Speaker Wallace, with his fine commanding presence sat upon the stand calm and undismayed while all around him raged, from 11 o'clock A. M. until 12 o'clock that night, the wildest confusion and danger. The Democrats had no dinner and no supper, and although is was intensely cold, no fire on their side of the house-until after mid-night fires were lighted in the stoves. From mid-night to sun up the next morning there was comparative calm. The Radicals could go out and take some rest, but not so with the whites they were in and there they had to stay-day and night. It was the intention that the gentlemen appointed Assistant Sergeants at Arms to accompany the committee, should be charged with holding the door after it was opened, but for some reason, possibly they were never notified of their appointment, the door was left in possession of the Radicals, as soon as the Democrats entered. Hence there was but little going out and coming in. On the morning of the second day it was evident that the Radicals had begun to recover from their surprise of the day previous. Their friends gathered in the Hall and the negroes especially became very noisy and insulting in their manner, and frequently during the day both sides jumped upon their feet and drew their pistols. This was kept up until night. When night came on the negro members retired and placed other negroes in their places, who sang and caroused nearly the whole night. On the third day Hamilton and Myers, two intelligent and respectable negro members from Beaufort, requested to be sworn in as members of the Wallace House. The Republicans swore if they did so they would shoot them on the floor of the House, therefore the excitement was intense when they stepped to the Speaker's stand and asked to be sworn in. All during that day the wildest shouting, yelling and rowdyism prevailed which was kept up until near midnight. This night the Democrats secured blankets and lay upon the floor and got some sleep. At sun up next morning the uproar began again, and this day more than ever it seemed impossible to avoid a collision. So near did it come that Mackey ran over to the side of the Speaker's stand next to the Democratic side and held down his head to receive the shots he felt sure of receiving. The Republican leaders injected rowdies into the places of the negro members, who tried in every way possible to bring on a conflict, and repeatedly both sides stood ready for it. This exciting state of affairs with the close contact of the opposing parties, could not continue much longer, every one felt some decisive result was sure soon to take place. In the afternoon of this day it became known that the Radicals intended to massacre the whites that night. They telegraphed for the Hunkedory Club of Charleston (which started but the engine broke down in the swamps.) Large numbers of State constables were appointed, armed and placed in the nearby rooms. And it was said that even the penitentiary convicts were brought over and placed in the committee rooms and were promised their freedom if they would do the deed. Besides these a large number of negro roughs were congregated into the State House ready for the devilish deed. Some one made known to Gov. Hampton the hellish purpose the Radicals intended to perpetrate that night. He immediately notified Gen. Ruger, and at the same time said to him if such a purpose as that was attempted he would not insure the safety of his command, nor would he guarantee the life of a negro in the State. Runners were sent out to the nearby clubs of red shirts. By dark these clubs began to arrive on horse back. The City Hook and Ladder Company was ready to scale the windows to reach the Democrats. The Company of Artillery with guns loaded were kept ready to blow open the outer doors. Some twenty young men got in some how and guarded the entrance to the gallery, two with sledge hammers to burst the door open at the first intimation of a fight, and some thirty young men got into the Hall. Under these conditions the night was passed, the Democrats at least ready for the fray when it came. We can only conjecture what prevented the Radicals from carrying out their purpose. The next morning we received official notice that President Grant had ordered the Democrats to be ejected from the State House. We had then been locked up, as it were, for four days and nights with the Radical horde. About 11 o'clock A. M. Speaker Wallace addressed his House. He said he had been officially informed that at 12 o'clock M. that day the United States troops in obedience to orders received from President Grant would eject the Democratic members from the State House that in obedience to the power and authority of the Federal Government, and uninfluenced by any power Chamberlain could bring against us, the Democrats or rather the white people would vacate their State House. He then delivered an earnest, manly protest against this unwarranted assumption of authority by the General Government, and then adjourned the House to meet immediately in Carolina Hall. There was no thought of surrender, we all knew the fight would go on, but right then as the members threw their blankets over their shoulders and marched out, things appeared very gloomy indeed. In the mean while word had been sent out for the red shirts to assemble immediately in Columbia, and they poured in all that night and the next day. So when the Wallace House left the State House such a scene as greeted our eyes is seldom seen. Standing at the State House door and looking up Main Street one could see nothing but one mass of white men. They were apparently unarmed and quiet. But when their legislature left the State House, a great wave of excitement swept over that portion next to and nearest the members,-seeing which Gov. Hampton jumped upon a rock and in a few words restored quiet. Quietly the Wallace House marched up the street, two and two-the crowd looking on in silence. At the Carolina Hall the House had to adjourn at once, because of the excessive coughing of the members. The crowd of white men assembled has been variously estimated, some placed the number present as high as thirty thousand. During the time they remained in Columbia there was no noise or rowdyism. But not a negro was seen on the streets. Had these men seen the negro members and office holders strutting up and down the streets as they did when they were in possession, it is hard to say what would have been the result, but fortunately the negroes hid out. After a day or two they dispersed to their homes, having seen Gov. Hampton inaugurated and heard him assert that he and he alone was Governor of South Carolina. Governor Hampton and Lieutenant Governor Simpson were inaugurated outside of and in front of Carolina Hall Gov. Hampton's address was reserved by the people with great gladness for it revived hopes and confirmed the white people to do or die in this effort to redeem themselves from the blight of negro domination. The Democrats remained in session until near Christmas. During this time some seven or eight negro members who held certificates of election from the Secretary of State were induced to join the Wallace House. As soon as these were all gathered in (this gave the Wallace House a majority of members declared elected by the returning Board) the Committee on Privileges and Elections reported and recommended the seating of the Democratic members from Laurens and Edgefield counties. Then whether the Radical allies remained with us or not (and they did not remain) the Wallace House had a constitutional majority of members. The House as then organized elected Gen. M. C. Butler United States Senator-passed a resolution asking the tax payers not to pay any taxes to the Chamberlain authorities, and instead to pay 25 per cent of their taxes to agents appointed by Gov. Hampton and adjourned subject to the call of Gov. Hampton. This brief historical sketch would be incomplete without incorporating herein a copy of Gov. Hampton's inaugural address, delivered on the street December 14th, 1876-but space forbids, and any one interested may find this address in the Journals of the House of Representatives, Regular Session of 1876-and Special Session 1877. In pursuance of a proclamation of Gov. Hampton the General Assembly convened in Special April 24th, 1877. President Hayes had recognized the Hampton Government in South Carolina. The House was composed of the same members as organized in Carolina Hall, December, 1876-to these were added such Radical members as came before the bar of the House and purged themselves of their contempt. In the Senate the Radicals still had a majority. All the State offices were turned over to the Democrats elected thereto. No legislative body ever had graver responsibilities placed upon them. Gov. Hampton in his first message to the legislature, April 26th, 1877, said: "A great work the greatest to which a patriotic people can be called is before us, and a heavy responsibility rests upon us. We have to create anew a State which can of right demand and take the proud and honorable position in the Sisterhood of the great Republic. We have to re-store her credit to bring back her good name-to develop her boundless resources-to heal her wounds-to secure equal and exact justice to all of her children- to establish and maintain the supremacy of law-to diffuse the blessings of education, and to strive to bind all classes of both races in the bonds of peace." These were some of the duties which devolved upon the Wallace House. Were they equal to the trust? Read carefully the statutes of this Special Session of 1877, and the regular Session of 1877 and 1878. They did build anew a State. How and in what way this was done may be told here after in a separate chapter. The State of South Carolina has always maintained among the other states of the Union a conspicuous and honorable position, both in war and in the halls of legislation. But if her history is ever hereafter written it will be found that in that period embraced within the years of 1865 and 1878 she wrought out the grandest achievements in all of her glorious history. With all of her property swept away, attempted by force to be placed under the rule of their former slaves--disarmed -disfranchised, opposed by overwhelming negro majorities then in possession of every department of the State government, including of course the election machinery, opposed also by the United States government, its troops and its courts, and also by a State government as tyrannical and infamous as ever existed, harried down like wild beasts, and driven to seek safety in flight, forsaken by her friends and without help, she yet through it all patiently endured until at last unable to endure more she rose in her might, and by the strength of her own right arm wrenched the State from the hands of the robber-built anew a prostrate State restored its credit, and secured again the blessings of liberty and safety. For these achievements South Carolina is entitled to take a higher position than she ever before occupied among the great and noble of this earth. In trying to write up and preserve the genealogies of the families of the early settlers of Pendleton, it has been impossible to obtain the necessary information unless some of their descendants were living and were willing to help get up the data. Some to whom when application for information was made, failed to furnish it, which no one regretted more than the writer. It will be our purpose to consider every family, and if any one should be overlooked or not mentioned it will be owing to the fact that they had passed entirely out of the knowledge of the writer, and of those who aided and assisted him in this work.

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